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At age 17, respondent Simmons planned and committed a capital murder. After he had turned 18, he was sentenced to death. His direct appeal and subsequent petitions for state and federal postconviction relief were rejected. This Court then held, in Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U. S. 304, that the Eighth Amendment, applicable to the States through the Fourteenth Amendment, prohibits the execution of a mentally retarded person. Simmons filed a new petition for state postconviction relief, arguing that Atkins' reasoning established that the Constitution prohibits the execution of a juvenile who was under 18 when he committed his crime. The Missouri Supreme Court agreed and set aside Simmons' death sentence in favor of life imprisonment without eligibility for release. It held that, although Stanford v. Kentucky, 492 U. S. 361, rejected the proposition that the Constitution bars capital punishment for juvenile offenders younger than 18, a national consensus has developed against the execution of those offenders since Stanford.
Held: The Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments forbid imposition of the death penalty on offenders who were under the age of 18 when their crimes were committed. Pp. 6-25.
(a) The Eighth Amendment's prohibition against "cruel and unusual punishments" must be interpreted according to its text, by considering history, tradition, and precedent, and with due regard for its purpose and function in the constitutional design. To implement this framework this Court has established the propriety and affirmed the necessity of referring to "the evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society" to determine which punishments are so disproportionate as to be "cruel and unusual." Trop v. Dulles, 356 U. S. 86, 100-101. In 1988, in Thompson v. Oklahoma, 487 U. S. 815, 818-838, a plurality determined that national standards of decency did not permit the execution of any offender under age 16 at the time of the crime. The next year, in Stanford, a 5-to-4 Court referred to contemporary standards of decency, but concluded the Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments did not proscribe the execution of offenders over 15 but under 18 because 22 of 37 death penalty States permitted that penalty for 16-year-old offenders, and 25 permitted it for 17-year-olds, thereby indicating there was no national consensus. 492 U. S., at 370-371. A plurality also "emphatically reject[ed]" the suggestion that the Court should bring its own judgment to bear on the acceptability of the juvenile death penalty. Id., at 377-378. That same day the Court held, in Penry v. Lynaugh, 492 U. S. 302, 334, that the Eighth Amendment did not mandate a categorical exemption from the death penalty for mentally retarded persons because only two States had enacted laws banning such executions. Three Terms ago in Atkins, however, the Court held that standards of decency had evolved since Penry and now demonstrated that the execution of the mentally retarded is cruel and unusual punishment. The Atkins Court noted that objective indicia of society's standards, as expressed in pertinent legislative enactments and state practice, demonstrated that such executions had become so truly unusual that it was fair to say that a national consensus has developed against them. 536 U. S., at 314-315. The Court also returned to the rule, established in decisions predating Stanford, that the Constitution contemplates that the Court's own judgment be brought to bear on the question of the acceptability of the death penalty. Id., at 312. After observing that mental retardation diminishes personal culpability even if the offender can distinguish right from wrong, id., at 318, and that mentally retarded offenders' impairments make it less defensible to impose the death penalty as retribution for past crimes or as a real deterrent to future crimes, id., at 319-320, the Court ruled that the death penalty constitutes an excessive sanction for the entire category of mentally retarded offenders, and that the Eighth Amendment places a substantive restriction on the State's power to take such an offender's life, id., at 321. Just as the Atkins Court reconsidered the issue decided in Penry, the Court now reconsiders the issue decided in Stanford. Pp. 6-10.
(b) Both objective indicia of consensus, as expressed in particular by the enactments of legislatures that have addressed the question, and the Court's own determination in the exercise of its independent judgment, demonstrate that the death penalty is a disproportionate punishment for juveniles. Pp. 10-21.
(1) As in Atkins, the objective indicia of national consensus here--the rejection of the juvenile death penalty in the majority of States; the infrequency of its use even where it remains on the books; and the consistency in the trend toward abolition of the practice--provide sufficient evidence that today society views juveniles, in the words Atkins used respecting the mentally retarded, as "categorically less culpable than the average criminal," 536 U. S., at 316. The evidence of such consensus is similar, and in some respects parallel, to the evidence in Atkins: 30 States prohibit the juvenile death penalty, including 12 that have rejected it altogether and 18 that maintain it but, by express provision or judicial interpretation, exclude juveniles from its reach. Moreover, even in the 20 States without a formal prohibition, the execution of juveniles is infrequent. Although, by contrast to Atkins, the rate of change in reducing the incidence of the juvenile death penalty, or in taking specific steps to abolish it, has been less dramatic, the difference between this case and Atkins in that respect is counterbalanced by the consistent direction of the change toward abolition. Indeed, the slower pace here may be explained by the simple fact that the impropriety of executing juveniles between 16 and 18 years old gained wide recognition earlier than the impropriety of executing the mentally retarded. Pp. 10-13.
(2) Rejection of the imposition of the death penalty on juvenile offenders under 18 is required by the Eighth Amendment. Capital punishment must be limited to those offenders who commit "a narrow category of the most serious crimes" and whose extreme culpability makes them "the most deserving of execution." Atkins, 536 U. S. at 319. Three general differences between juveniles under 18 and adults demonstrate that juvenile offenders cannot with reliability be classified among the worst offenders. Juveniles' susceptibility to immature and irresponsible behavior means "their irresponsible conduct is not as morally reprehensible as that of an adult." Thompson v. Oklahoma, 487 U. S. 815, 835. Their own vulnerability and comparative lack of control over their immediate surroundings mean juveniles have a greater claim than adults to be forgiven for failing to escape negative influences in their whole environment. See Stanford, supra, at 395. The reality that juveniles still struggle to define their identity means it is less supportable to conclude that even a heinous crime committed by a juvenile is evidence of irretrievably depraved character. The Thompson plurality recognized the import of these characteristics with respect to juveniles under 16. 487 U. S., at 833-838. The same reasoning applies to all juvenile offenders under 18. Once juveniles' diminished culpability is recognized, it is evident that neither of the two penological justifications for the death penalty--retribution and deterrence of capital crimes by prospective offenders, e.g., Atkins, 536 U. S., at 319--provides adequate justification for imposing that penalty on juveniles. Although the Court cannot deny or overlook the brutal crimes too many juvenile offenders have committed, it disagrees with petitioner's contention that, given the Court's own insistence on individualized consideration in capital sentencing, it is arbitrary and unnecessary to adopt a categorical rule barring imposition of the death penalty on an offender under 18. An unacceptable likelihood exists that the brutality or cold-blooded nature of any particular crime would overpower mitigating arguments based on youth as a matter of course, even where the juvenile offender's objective immaturity, vulnerability, and lack of true depravity should require a sentence less severe than death. When a juvenile commits a heinous crime, the State can exact forfeiture of some of the most basic liberties, but the State cannot extinguish his life and his potential to attain a mature understanding of his own humanity. While drawing the line at 18 is subject to the objections always raised against categorical rules, that is the point where society draws the line for many purposes between childhood and adulthood and the age at which the line for death eligibility ought to rest. Stanford should be deemed no longer controlling on this issue. Pp. 14-21.
(c) The overwhelming weight of international opinion against the juvenile death penalty is not controlling here, but provides respected and significant confirmation for the Court's determination that the penalty is disproportionate punishment for offenders under 18. See, e.g., Thompson, supra, at 830-831, and n. 31. The United States is the only country in the world that continues to give official sanction to the juvenile penalty. It does not lessen fidelity to the Constitution or pride in its origins to acknowledge that the express affirmation of certain fundamental rights by other nations and peoples underscores the centrality of those same rights within our own heritage of freedom. Pp. 21-25.
112 S. W. 3d 397, affirmed.
Kennedy, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which Stevens, Souter, Ginsburg, and Breyer, JJ., joined. Stevens, J., filed a concurring opinion, in which Ginsburg, J., joined. O'Connor, J., filed a dissenting opinion. Scalia, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which Rehnquist, C. J., and Thomas, J., joined.
DONALD P. ROPER, SUPERINTENDENT, POTOSI
CORRECTIONAL CENTER, PETITIONER v.
CHRISTOPHER SIMMONS
on writ of certiorari to the supreme court of
missouri
[March 1, 2005]
Justice Kennedy delivered the opinion of the Court.
This case requires us to address, for the second time in a decade and a half, whether it is permissible under the Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments to the Constitution of the United States to execute a juvenile offender who was older than 15 but younger than 18 when he committed a capital crime. In Stanford v. Kentucky, 492 U. S. 361 (1989), a divided Court rejected the proposition that the Constitution bars capital punishment for juvenile offenders in this age group. We reconsider the question.
I
At the age of 17, when he was still a junior in high school, Christopher Simmons, the respondent here, committed murder. About nine months later, after he had turned 18, he was tried and sentenced to death. There is little doubt that Simmons was the instigator of the crime. Before its commission Simmons said he wanted to murder someone. In chilling, callous terms he talked about his plan, discussing it for the most part with two friends, Charles Benjamin and John Tessmer, then aged 15 and 16 respectively. Simmons proposed to commit burglary and murder by breaking and entering, tying up a victim, and throwing the victim off a bridge. Simmons assured his friends they could "get away with it" because they were minors.
The three met at about 2 a.m. on the night of the murder, but Tessmer left before the other two set out. (The State later charged Tessmer with conspiracy, but dropped the charge in exchange for his testimony against Simmons.) Simmons and Benjamin entered the home of the victim, Shirley Crook, after reaching through an open window and unlocking the back door. Simmons turned on a hallway light. Awakened, Mrs. Crook called out, "Who's there?" In response Simmons entered Mrs. Crook's bedroom, where he recognized her from a previous car accident involving them both. Simmons later admitted this confirmed his resolve to murder her.
Using duct tape to cover her eyes and mouth and bind her hands, the two perpetrators put Mrs. Crook in her minivan and drove to a state park. They reinforced the bindings, covered her head with a towel, and walked her to a railroad trestle spanning the Meramec River. There they tied her hands and feet together with electrical wire, wrapped her whole face in duct tape and threw her from the bridge, drowning her in the waters below.
By the afternoon of September 9, Steven Crook had returned home from an overnight trip, found his bedroom in disarray, and reported his wife missing. On the same afternoon fishermen recovered the victim's body from the river. Simmons, meanwhile, was bragging about the killing, telling friends he had killed a woman "because the bitch seen my face."
The next day, after receiving information of Simmons' involvement, police arrested him at his high school and took him to the police station in Fenton, Missouri. They read him his Miranda rights. Simmons waived his right to an attorney and agreed to answer questions. After less than two hours of interrogation, Simmons confessed to the murder and agreed to perform a videotaped reenactment at the crime scene.
The State charged Simmons with burglary, kidnaping, stealing, and murder in the first degree. As Simmons was 17 at the time of the crime, he was outside the criminal jurisdiction of Missouri's juvenile court system. See Mo. Rev. Stat. §§211.021 (2000) and 211.031 (Supp. 2003). He was tried as an adult. At trial the State introduced Simmons' confession and the videotaped reenactment of the crime, along with testimony that Simmons discussed the crime in advance and bragged about it later. The defense called no witnesses in the guilt phase. The jury having returned a verdict of murder, the trial proceeded to the penalty phase.
The State sought the death penalty. As aggravating factors, the State submitted that the murder was committed for the purpose of receiving money; was committed for the purpose of avoiding, interfering with, or preventing lawful arrest of the defendant; and involved depravity of mind and was outrageously and wantonly vile, horrible, and inhuman. The State called Shirley Crook's husband, daughter, and two sisters, who presented moving evidence of the devastation her death had brought to their lives.
In mitigation Simmons' attorneys first called an officer of the Missouri juvenile justice system, who testified that Simmons had no prior convictions and that no previous charges had been filed against him. Simmons' mother, father, two younger half brothers, a neighbor, and a friend took the stand to tell the jurors of the close relationships they had formed with Simmons and to plead for mercy on his behalf. Simmons' mother, in particular, testified to the responsibility Simmons demonstrated in taking care of his two younger half brothers and of his grandmother and to his capacity to show love for them.
During closing arguments, both the prosecutor and defense counsel addressed Simmons' age, which the trial judge had instructed the jurors they could consider as a mitigating factor. Defense counsel reminded the jurors that juveniles of Simmons' age cannot drink, serve on juries, or even see certain movies, because "the legislatures have wisely decided that individuals of a certain age aren't responsible enough." Defense counsel argued that Simmons' age should make "a huge difference to [the jurors] in deciding just exactly what sort of punishment to make." In rebuttal, the prosecutor gave the following response: "Age, he says. Think about age. Seventeen years old. Isn't that scary? Doesn't that scare you? Mitigating? Quite the contrary I submit. Quite the contrary."
The jury recommended the death penalty after finding the State had proved each of the three aggravating factors submitted to it. Accepting the jury's recommendation, the trial judge imposed the death penalty.
Simmons obtained new counsel, who moved in the trial court to set aside the conviction and sentence. One argument was that Simmons had received ineffective assistance at trial. To support this contention, the new counsel called as witnesses Simmons' trial attorney, Simmons' friends and neighbors, and clinical psychologists who had evaluated him.
Part of the submission was that Simmons was "very immature," "very impulsive," and "very susceptible to being manipulated or influenced." The experts testified about Simmons' background including a difficult home environment and dramatic changes in behavior, accompanied by poor school performance in adolescence. Simmons was absent from home for long periods, spending time using alcohol and drugs with other teenagers or young adults. The contention by Simmons' postconviction counsel was that these matters should have been established in the sentencing proceeding.
The trial court found no constitutional violation by reason of ineffective assistance of counsel and denied the motion for postconviction relief. In a consolidated appeal from Simmons' conviction and sentence, and from the denial of postconviction relief, the Missouri Supreme Court affirmed. State v. Simmons, 944 S. W. 2d 165, 169 (en banc), cert. denied, 522 U. S. 953 (1997). The federal courts denied Simmons' petition for a writ of habeas corpus. Simmons v. Bowersox, 235 F. 3d 1124, 1127 (CA8), cert. denied, 534 U. S. 924 (2001).
After these proceedings in Simmons' case had run their course, this Court held that the Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments prohibit the execution of a mentally retarded person. Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U. S. 304 (2002). Simmons filed a new petition for state postconviction relief, arguing that the reasoning of Atkins established that the Constitution prohibits the execution of a juvenile who was under 18 when the crime was committed.
The Missouri Supreme Court agreed. State ex rel. Simmons v. Roper, 112 S. W. 3d 397 (2003) (en banc). It held that since Stanford,
"a national consensus has developed against the execution of juvenile offenders, as demonstrated by the fact that eighteen states now bar such executions for juveniles, that twelve other states bar executions altogether, that no state has lowered its age of execution below 18 since Stanford, that five states have legislatively or by case law raised or established the minimum age at 18, and that the imposition of the juvenile death penalty has become truly unusual over the last decade." 112 S. W. 3d, at 399.
On this reasoning it set aside Simmons' death sentence and resentenced him to "life imprisonment without eligibility for probation, parole, or release except by act of the Governor." Id., at 413.
We granted certiorari, 540 U. S. 1160 (2004), and now affirm.
II
The Eighth Amendment provides: "Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted." The provision is applicable to the States through the Fourteenth Amendment. Furman v. Georgia, 408 U. S. 238, 239 (1972) (per curiam); Robinson v. California, 370 U. S. 660, 666-667 (1962); Louisiana ex rel. Francis v. Resweber, 329 U. S. 459, 463 (1947) (plurality opinion). As the Court explained in Atkins, the Eighth Amendment guarantees individuals the right not to be subjected to excessive sanctions. The right flows from the basic " 'precept of justice that punishment for crime should be graduated and proportioned to [the] offense.' " 536 U. S., at 311 (quoting Weems v. United States, 217 U. S. 349, 367 (1910)). By protecting even those convicted of heinous crimes, the Eighth Amendment reaffirms the duty of the government to respect the dignity of all persons.
The prohibition against "cruel and unusual punishments," like other expansive language in the Constitution, must be interpreted according to its text, by considering history, tradition, and precedent, and with due regard for its purpose and function in the constitutional design. To implement this framework we have established the propriety and affirmed the necessity of referring to "the evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society" to determine which punishments are so disproportionate as to be cruel and unusual. Trop v. Dulles, 356 U. S. 86, 100-101 (1958) (plurality opinion).
In Thompson v. Oklahoma, 487 U. S. 815 (1988), a plurality of the Court determined that our standards of decency do not permit the execution of any offender under the age of 16 at the time of the crime. Id., at 818-838 (opinion of Stevens, J., joined by Brennan, Marshall, and Blackmun, JJ.). The plurality opinion explained that no death penalty State that had given express consideration to a minimum age for the death penalty had set the age lower than 16. Id., at 826-829. The plurality also observed that "[t]he conclusion that it would offend civilized standards of decency to execute a person who was less than 16 years old at the time of his or her offense is consistent with the views that have been expressed by respected professional organizations, by other nations that share our Anglo-American heritage, and by the leading members of the Western European community." Id., at 830. The opinion further noted that juries imposed the death penalty on offenders under 16 with exceeding rarity; the last execution of an offender for a crime committed under the age of 16 had been carried out in 1948, 40 years prior. Id., at 832-833.
Bringing its independent judgment to bear on
the permissibility of the death penalty for a 15-year-old offender, the Thompson
plurality stressed that "[t]he reasons why juveniles are not trusted with
the privileges and responsibilities of an adult also explain why their
irresponsible conduct is not as morally reprehensible as that of an adult."
Id., at 835. According to the plurality, the lesser culpability of
offenders under 16 made the death penalty inappropriate as a form of
retribution, while the low likelihood that offenders under 16 engaged in
"the kind of cost-benefit analysis that attaches any weight to the
possibility of execution" made the death penalty ineffective as a means of
deterrence. Id., at 836-838. With Justice O'Connor concurring
in the judgment on narrower grounds, id., at 848-859, the Court set
aside the death sentence that had been imposed on the 15-year-old
offender.
The next year, in Stanford v. Kentucky, 492 U. S. 361 (1989), the Court, over a dissenting opinion joined by four Justices, referred to contemporary standards of decency in this country and concluded the Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments did not proscribe the execution of juvenile offenders over 15 but under 18. The Court noted that 22 of the 37 death penalty States permitted the death penalty for 16-year-old offenders, and, among these 37 States, 25 permitted it for 17-year-old offenders. These numbers, in the Court's view, indicated there was no national consensus "sufficient to label a particular punishment cruel and unusual." Id., at 370-371. A plurality of the Court also "emphatically reject[ed]" the suggestion that the Court should bring its own judgment to bear on the acceptability of the juvenile death penalty. Id., at 377-378 (opinion of Scalia, J., joined by Rehnquist, C. J., and White and Kennedy, JJ.); see also id., at 382 (O'Connor, J., concurring in part and concurring in judgment) (criticizing the plurality's refusal "to judge whether the ' "nexus between the punishment imposed and the defendant's blameworthiness" ' is proportional").
The same day the Court decided Stanford, it held that the Eighth Amendment did not mandate a categorical exemption from the death penalty for the mentally retarded. Penry v. Lynaugh, 492 U. S. 302 (1989). In reaching this conclusion it stressed that only two States had enacted laws banning the imposition of the death penalty on a mentally retarded person convicted of a capital offense. Id., at 334. According to the Court, "the two state statutes prohibiting execution of the mentally retarded, even when added to the 14 States that have rejected capital punishment completely, [did] not provide sufficient evidence at present of a national consensus." Ibid.
Three Terms ago the subject was reconsidered in Atkins. We held that standards of decency have evolved since Penry and now demonstrate that the execution of the mentally retarded is cruel and unusual punishment. The Court noted objective indicia of society's standards, as expressed in legislative enactments and state practice with respect to executions of the mentally retarded. When Atkins was decided only a minority of States permitted the practice, and even in those States it was rare. 536 U. S., at 314-315. On the basis of these indicia the Court determined that executing mentally retarded offenders "has become truly unusual, and it is fair to say that a national consensus has developed against it." Id., at 316.
The inquiry into our society's evolving standards of decency did not end there. The Atkins Court neither repeated nor relied upon the statement in Stanford that the Court's independent judgment has no bearing on the acceptability of a particular punishment under the Eighth Amendment. Instead we returned to the rule, established in decisions predating Stanford, that " 'the Constitution contemplates that in the end our own judgment will be brought to bear on the question of the acceptability of the death penalty under the Eighth Amendment.' " 536 U. S., at 312 (quoting Coker v. Georgia, 433 U. S. 584, 597 (1977) (plurality opinion)). Mental retardation, the Court said, diminishes personal culpability even if the offender can distinguish right from wrong. 536 U. S., at 318. The impairments of mentally retarded offenders make it less defensible to impose the death penalty as retribution for past crimes and less likely that the death penalty will have a real deterrent effect. Id., at 319-320. Based on these considerations and on the finding of national consensus against executing the mentally retarded, the Court ruled that the death penalty constitutes an excessive sanction for the entire category of mentally retarded offenders, and that the Eighth Amendment " 'places a substantive restriction on the State's power to take the life' of a mentally retarded offender." Id., at 321 (quoting Ford v. Wainwright, 477 U. S. 399, 405 (1986)).
Just as the Atkins Court reconsidered the issue decided in Penry, we now reconsider the issue decided in Stanford. The beginning point is a review of objective indicia of consensus, as expressed in particular by the enactments of legislatures that have addressed the question. This data gives us essential instruction. We then must determine, in the exercise of our own independent judgment, whether the death penalty is a disproportionate punishment for juveniles.
III
A
The evidence of national consensus against the death penalty for juveniles is
similar, and in some respects parallel, to the evidence Atkins held
sufficient to demonstrate a national consensus against the death penalty for the
mentally retarded. When Atkins was decided, 30 States prohibited the
death penalty for the mentally retarded. This number comprised 12 that had
abandoned the death penalty altogether, and 18 that maintained it but excluded
the mentally retarded from its reach. 536
U. S., at 313-315. By a similar calculation in this case, 30 States
prohibit the juvenile death penalty, comprising 12 that have rejected the death
penalty altogether and 18 that maintain it but, by express provision or judicial
interpretation, exclude juveniles from its reach. See Appendix A, infra.
Atkins emphasized that even in the 20 States without formal
prohibition, the practice of executing the mentally retarded was infrequent.
Since Penry, only five States had executed offenders known to have an
IQ under 70. 536
U. S., at 316. In the present case, too, even in the 20 States without
a formal prohibition on executing juveniles, the practice is infrequent. Since Stanford,
six States have executed prisoners for crimes committed as juveniles. In the
past 10 years, only three have done so: Okla-
homa, Texas, and Virginia. See V. Streib, The Juvenile Death Penalty Today:
Death Sentences and Executions
for Juvenile Crimes, January 1, 1973-December 31,
2004, No. 76, p. 4 (2005), available at http://www.law.
onu.edu/faculty/streib/documents/JuvDeathDec2004.pdf
(last updated Jan. 31, 2005) (as visited Feb. 25, 2005, and available in the
Clerk of Court's case file). In December 2003 the Governor of Kentucky decided
to spare the life of Kevin Stanford, and commuted his sentence to one of life
imprisonment without parole, with the declaration that " '[w]e ought
not be executing people who, legally, were children.' " Lexington
Herald Leader, Dec. 9, 2003, p. B3, 2003 WL 65043346. By this act the
Governor ensured Kentucky would not add itself to the list of States that have
executed juveniles within the last 10 years even by the execution of the very
defendant whose death sentence the Court had upheld in Stanford v. Kentucky.
There is, to be sure, at least one difference between the evidence of consensus in Atkins and in this case. Impressive in Atkins was the rate of abolition of the death penalty for the mentally retarded. Sixteen States that permitted the execution of the mentally retarded at the time of Penry had prohibited the practice by the time we heard Atkins. By contrast, the rate of change in reducing the incidence of the juvenile death penalty, or in taking specific steps to abolish it, has been slower. Five States that allowed the juvenile death penalty at the time of Stanford have abandoned it in the intervening 15 years--four through legislative enactments and one through judicial decision. Streib, supra, at 5, 7; State v. Furman, 122 Wash. 2d 400, 858 P. 2d 1092 (1993) (en banc).
Though less dramatic than the change from Penry to Atkins ("telling," to borrow the word Atkins used to describe this difference, 536 U. S., at 315, n. 18), we still consider the change from Stanford to this case to be significant. As noted in Atkins, with respect to the States that had abandoned the death penalty for the mentally retarded since Penry, "[i]t is not so much the number of these States that is significant, but the consistency of the direction of change." 536 U. S., at 315. In particular we found it significant that, in the wake of Penry, no State that had already prohibited the execution of the mentally retarded had passed legislation to reinstate the penalty. 536 U. S., at 315-316. The number of States that have abandoned capital punishment for juvenile offenders since Stanford is smaller than the number of States that abandoned capital punishment for the mentally retarded after Penry; yet we think the same consistency of direction of change has been demonstrated. Since Stanford, no State that previously prohibited capital punishment for juveniles has reinstated it. This fact, coupled with the trend toward abolition of the juvenile death penalty, carries special force in light of the general popularity of anticrime legislation, Atkins, supra, at 315, and in light of the particular trend in recent years toward cracking down on juvenile crime in other respects, see H. Snyder & M. Sickmund, National Center for Juvenile Justice, Juvenile Offenders and Victims: 1999 National Report 89, 133 (Sept. 1999); Scott & Grisso, The Evolution of Adolescence: A Developmental Perspective on Juvenile Justice Reform, 88 J. Crim. L. & C. 137, 148 (1997). Any difference between this case and Atkins with respect to the pace of abolition is thus counterbalanced by the consistent direction of the change.
The slower pace of abolition of the juvenile death penalty over the past 15 years, moreover, may have a simple explanation. When we heard Penry, only two death penalty States had already prohibited the execution of the mentally retarded. When we heard Stanford, by contrast, 12 death penalty States had already prohibited the execution of any juvenile under 18, and 15 had prohibited the execution of any juvenile under 17. If anything, this shows that the impropriety of executing juveniles between 16 and 18 years of age gained wide recognition earlier than the impropriety of executing the mentally retarded. In the words of the Missouri Supreme Court: "It would be the ultimate in irony if the very fact that the inappropriateness of the death penalty for juveniles was broadly recognized sooner than it was recognized for the mentally retarded were to become a reason to continue the execution of juveniles now that the execution of the mentally retarded has been barred." 112 S. W. 3d, at 408, n. 10.
Petitioner cannot show national consensus in favor of capital punishment for juveniles but still resists the conclusion that any consensus exists against it. Petitioner supports this position with, in particular, the observation that when the Senate ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), Dec. 19, 1966, 999 U. N. T. S. 171 (entered into force Mar. 23, 1976), it did so subject to the President's proposed reservation regarding Article 6(5) of that treaty, which prohibits capital punishment for juveniles. Brief for Petitioner 27. This reservation at best provides only faint support for petitioner's argument. First, the reservation was passed in 1992; since then, five States have abandoned capital punishment for juveniles. Second, Congress considered the issue when enacting the Federal Death Penalty Act in 1994, and determined that the death penalty should not extend to juveniles. See 18 U. S. C. §3591. The reservation to Article 6(5) of the ICCPR provides minimal evidence that there is not now a national consensus against juvenile executions.
As in Atkins, the objective indicia of consensus in this case--the rejection of the juvenile death penalty in the majority of States; the infrequency of its use even where it remains on the books; and the consistency in the trend toward abolition of the practice--provide sufficient evidence that today our society views juveniles, in the words Atkins used respecting the mentally retarded, as "categorically less culpable than the average criminal." 536 U. S., at 316.
B
A majority of States have rejected the imposition of the death penalty on juvenile offenders under 18, and we now hold this is required by the Eighth Amendment.
Because the death penalty is the most severe punishment, the Eighth Amendment applies to it with special force. Thompson, 487 U. S., at 856 (O'Connor, J., concurring in judgment). Capital punishment must be limited to those offenders who commit "a narrow category of the most serious crimes" and whose extreme culpability makes them "the most deserving of execution." Atkins, supra, at 319. This principle is implemented throughout the capital sentencing process. States must give narrow and precise definition to the aggravating factors that can result in a capital sentence. Godfrey v. Georgia, 446 U. S. 420, 428-429 (1980) (plurality opinion). In any capital case a defendant has wide latitude to raise as a mitigating factor "any aspect of [his or her] character or record and any of the circumstances of the offense that the defendant proffers as a basis for a sentence less than death." Lockett v. Ohio, 438 U. S. 586, 604 (1978) (plurality opinion); Eddings v. Oklahoma, 455 U. S. 104, 110-112 (1982); see also Johnson v. Texas, 509 U. S. 350, 359-362 (1993) (summarizing the Court's jurisprudence after Furman v. Georgia, 408 U. S. 238 (1972) (per curiam), with respect to a sentencer's consideration of aggravating and mitigating factors). There are a number of crimes that beyond question are severe in absolute terms, yet the death penalty may not be imposed for their commission. Coker v. Georgia, 433 U. S. 584 (1977) (rape of an adult woman); Enmund v. Florida, 458 U. S. 782 (1982) (felony murder where defendant did not kill, attempt to kill, or intend to kill). The death penalty may not be imposed on certain classes of offenders, such as juveniles under 16, the insane, and the mentally retarded, no matter how heinous the crime. Thompson v. Oklahoma, supra; Ford v. Wainwright, 477 U. S. 399 (1986); Atkins, supra. These rules vindicate the underlying principle that the death penalty is reserved for a narrow category of crimes and offenders.
Three general differences between juveniles under 18 and adults demonstrate that juvenile offenders cannot with reliability be classified among the worst offenders. First, as any parent knows and as the scientific and sociological studies respondent and his amici cite tend to confirm, "[a] lack of maturity and an underdeveloped sense of responsibility are found in youth more often than in adults and are more understandable among the young. These qualities often result in impetuous and ill-considered actions and decisions." Johnson, supra, at 367; see also Eddings, supra, at 115-116 ("Even the normal 16-year-old customarily lacks the maturity of an adult"). It has been noted that "adolescents are overrepresented statistically in virtually every category of reckless behavior." Arnett, Reckless Behavior in Adolescence: A Developmental Perspective, 12 Developmental Review 339 (1992). In recognition of the comparative immaturity and irresponsibility of juveniles, almost every State prohibits those under 18 years of age from voting, serving on juries, or marrying without parental consent. See Appendixes B-D, infra.
The second area of difference is that juveniles are more vulnerable or susceptible to negative influences and outside pressures, including peer pressure. Eddings, supra, at 115 ("[Y]outh is more than a chronological fact. It is a time and condition of life when a person may be most susceptible to influence and to psychological damage"). This is explained in part by the prevailing circumstance that juveniles have less control, or less experience with control, over their own environment. See Steinberg & Scott, Less Guilty by Reason of Adolescence: Developmental Immaturity, Diminished Responsibility, and the Juvenile Death Penalty, 58 Am. Psychologist 1009, 1014 (2003) (hereinafter Steinberg & Scott) ("[A]s legal minors, [juveniles] lack the freedom that adults have to extricate themselves from a criminogenic setting").
The third broad difference is that the character of a juvenile is not as well formed as that of an adult. The personality traits of juveniles are more transitory, less fixed. See generally E. Erikson, Identity: Youth and Crisis (1968).
These differences render suspect any conclusion that a juvenile falls among the worst offenders. The susceptibility of juveniles to immature and irresponsible behavior means "their irresponsible conduct is not as morally reprehensible as that of an adult." Thompson, supra, at 835 (plurality opinion). Their own vulnerability and comparative lack of control over their immediate surroundings mean juveniles have a greater claim than adults to be forgiven for failing to escape negative influences in their whole environment. See Stanford, 492 U. S., at 395 (Brennan, J., dissenting). The reality that juveniles still struggle to define their identity means it is less supportable to conclude that even a heinous crime committed by a juvenile is evidence of irretrievably depraved character. From a moral standpoint it would be misguided to equate the failings of a minor with those of an adult, for a greater possibility exists that a minor's character deficiencies will be reformed. Indeed, "[t]he relevance of youth as a mitigating factor derives from the fact that the signature qualities of youth are transient; as individuals mature, the impetuousness and recklessness that may dominate in younger years can subside." Johnson, supra, at 368; see also Steinberg & Scott 1014 ("For most teens, [risky or antisocial] behaviors are fleeting; they cease with maturity as individual identity becomes settled. Only a relatively small proportion of adolescents who experiment in risky or illegal activities develop entrenched patterns of problem behavior that persist into adulthood").
In Thompson, a plurality of the Court recognized the import of these characteristics with respect to juveniles under 16, and relied on them to hold that the Eighth Amendment prohibited the imposition of the death penalty on juveniles below that age. 487 U. S., at 833-838. We conclude the same reasoning applies to all juvenile offenders under 18.
Once the diminished culpability of juveniles is recognized, it is evident that the penological justifications for the death penalty apply to them with lesser force than to adults. We have held there are two distinct social purposes served by the death penalty: " 'retribution and deterrence of capital crimes by prospective offenders.' " Atkins, 536 U. S., at 319 (quoting Gregg v. Georgia, 428 U. S. 153, 183 (1976) (joint opinion of Stewart, Powell, and Stevens, JJ.)). As for retribution, we remarked in Atkins that "[i]f the culpability of the average murderer is insufficient to justify the most extreme sanction available to the State, the lesser culpability of the mentally retarded offender surely does not merit that form of retribution." 536 U. S., at 319. The same conclusions follow from the lesser culpability of the juvenile offender. Whether viewed as an attempt to express the community's moral outrage or as an attempt to right the balance for the wrong to the victim, the case for retribution is not as strong with a minor as with an adult. Retribution is not proportional if the law's most severe penalty is imposed on one whose culpability or blameworthiness is diminished, to a substantial degree, by reason of youth and immaturity.
As for deterrence, it is unclear whether the death penalty has a significant or even measurable deterrent effect on juveniles, as counsel for the petitioner acknowledged at oral argument. Tr. of Oral Arg. 48. In general we leave to legislatures the assessment of the efficacy of various criminal penalty schemes, see Harmelin v. Michigan, 501 U. S. 957, 998-999 (1991) (Kennedy, J., concurring in part and concurring in judgment). Here, however, the absence of evidence of deterrent effect is of special concern because the same characteristics that render juveniles less culpable than adults suggest as well that juveniles will be less susceptible to deterrence. In particular, as the plurality observed in Thompson, "[t]he likelihood that the teenage offender has made the kind of cost-benefit analysis that attaches any weight to the possibility of execution is so remote as to be virtually nonexistent." 487 U. S., at 837. To the extent the juvenile death penalty might have residual deterrent effect, it is worth noting that the punishment of life imprisonment without the possibility of parole is itself a severe sanction, in particular for a young person.
In concluding that neither retribution nor deterrence provides adequate justification for imposing the death penalty on juvenile offenders, we cannot deny or overlook the brutal crimes too many juvenile offenders have committed. See Brief for Alabama et al. as Amici Curiae. Certainly it can be argued, although we by no means concede the point, that a rare case might arise in which a juvenile offender has sufficient psychological maturity, and at the same time demonstrates sufficient depravity, to merit a sentence of death. Indeed, this possibility is the linchpin of one contention pressed by petitioner and his amici. They assert that even assuming the truth of the observations we have made about juveniles' diminished culpability in general, jurors nonetheless should be allowed to consider mitigating arguments related to youth on a case-by-case basis, and in some cases to impose the death penalty if justified. A central feature of death penalty sentencing is a particular assessment of the circumstances of the crime and the characteristics of the offender. The system is designed to consider both aggravating and mitigating circumstances, including youth, in every case. Given this Court's own insistence on individualized consideration, petitioner maintains that it is both arbitrary and unnecessary to adopt a categorical rule barring imposition of the death penalty on any offender under 18 years of age.
We disagree. The differences between juvenile and adult offenders are too marked and well understood to risk allowing a youthful person to receive the death penalty despite insufficient culpability. An unacceptable likelihood exists that the brutality or cold-blooded nature of any particular crime would overpower mitigating arguments based on youth as a matter of course, even where the juvenile offender's objective immaturity, vulnerability, and lack of true depravity should require a sentence less severe than death. In some cases a defendant's youth may even be counted against him. In this very case, as we noted above, the prosecutor argued Simmons' youth was aggravating rather than mitigating. Supra, at 4. While this sort of overreaching could be corrected by a particular rule to ensure that the mitigating force of youth is not overlooked, that would not address our larger concerns.
It is difficult even for expert psychologists to differentiate between the juvenile offender whose crime reflects unfortunate yet transient immaturity, and the rare juvenile offender whose crime reflects irreparable corruption. See Steinberg & Scott 1014-1016. As we understand it, this difficulty underlies the rule forbidding psychiatrists from diagnosing any patient under 18 as having antisocial personality disorder, a disorder also referred to as psychopathy or sociopathy, and which is characterized by callousness, cynicism, and contempt for the feelings, rights, and suffering of others. American Psychiatric Association, Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders 701-706 (4th ed. text rev. 2000); see also Steinberg & Scott 1015. If trained psychiatrists with the advantage of clinical testing and observation refrain, despite diagnostic expertise, from assessing any juvenile under 18 as having antisocial personality disorder, we conclude that States should refrain from asking jurors to issue a far graver condemnation--that a juvenile offender merits the death penalty. When a juvenile offender commits a heinous crime, the State can exact forfeiture of some of the most basic liberties, but the State cannot extinguish his life and his potential to attain a mature understanding of his own humanity.
Drawing the line at 18 years of age is subject, of course, to the objections always raised against categorical rules. The qualities that distinguish juveniles from adults do not disappear when an individual turns 18. By the same token, some under 18 have already attained a level of maturity some adults will never reach. For the reasons we have discussed, however, a line must be drawn. The plurality opinion in Thompson drew the line at 16. In the intervening years the Thompson plurality's conclusion that offenders under 16 may not be executed has not been challenged. The logic of Thompson extends to those who are under 18. The age of 18 is the point where society draws the line for many purposes between childhood and adulthood. It is, we conclude, the age at which the line for death eligibility ought to rest.
These considerations mean Stanford v. Kentucky should be deemed no longer controlling on this issue. To the extent Stanford was based on review of the objective indicia of consensus that obtained in 1989, 492 U. S., at 370-371, it suffices to note that those indicia have changed. Supra, at 10-13. It should be observed, furthermore, that the Stanford Court should have considered those States that had abandoned the death penalty altogether as part of the consensus against the juvenile death penalty, 492 U. S., at 370, n. 2; a State's decision to bar the death penalty altogether of necessity demonstrates a judgment that the death penalty is inappropriate for all offenders, including juveniles. Last, to the extent Stanford was based on a rejection of the idea that this Court is required to bring its independent judgment to bear on the proportionality of the death penalty for a particular class of crimes or offenders, id., at 377-378 (plurality opinion), it suffices to note that this rejection was inconsistent with prior Eighth Amendment decisions, Thompson, 487 U. S., at 833-838 (plurality opinion); Enmund, 458 U. S., at 797; Coker, 433 U. S., at 597 (plurality opinion). It is also inconsistent with the premises of our recent decision in Atkins. 536 U. S., at 312-313, 317-321.
In holding that the death penalty cannot be imposed upon juvenile offenders, we take into account the circumstance that some States have relied on Stanford in seeking the death penalty against juvenile offenders. This consideration, however, does not outweigh our conclusion that Stanford should no longer control in those few pending cases or in those yet to arise.
IV
Our determination that the death penalty is disproportionate punishment for offenders under 18 finds confirmation in the stark reality that the United States is the only country in the world that continues to give official sanction to the juvenile death penalty. This reality does not become controlling, for the task of interpreting the Eighth Amendment remains our responsibility. Yet at least from the time of the Court's decision in Trop, the Court has referred to the laws of other countries and to international authorities as instructive for its interpretation of the Eighth Amendment's prohibition of "cruel and unusual punishments." 356 U. S., at 102-103 (plurality opinion) ("The civilized nations of the world are in virtual unanimity that statelessness is not to be imposed as punishment for crime"); see also Atkins, supra, at 317, n. 21 (recognizing that "within the world community, the imposition of the death penalty for crimes committed by mentally retarded offenders is overwhelmingly disapproved"); Thompson, supra, at 830-831, and n. 31 (plurality opinion) (noting the abolition of the juvenile death penalty "by other nations that share our Anglo-American heritage, and by the leading members of the Western European community," and observing that "[w]e have previously recognized the relevance of the views of the international community in determining whether a punishment is cruel and unusual"); Enmund, supra, at 796-797, n. 22 (observing that "the doctrine of felony murder has been abolished in England and India, severely restricted in Canada and a number of other Commonwealth countries, and is unknown in continental Europe"); Coker, supra, at 596, n. 10 (plurality opinion) ("It is ... not irrelevant here that out of 60 major nations in the world surveyed in 1965, only 3 retained the death penalty for rape where death did not ensue").
As respondent and a number of amici
emphasize, Article 37 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the
Child, which every country in the world has ratified save for the United States
and Somalia, contains an express prohibition on capital punishment for crimes
committed
by juveniles under 18. United Nations Convention on
the Rights of the Child, Art. 37, Nov. 20, 1989, 1577
U. N. T. S. 3, 28 I. L. M. 1448, 1468-1470 (entered
into force Sept. 2, 1990); Brief for Respondent 48; Brief for European Union et al.
as Amici Curiae 12-13; Brief for President James Earl Carter, Jr., et al.
as Amici Curiae 9; Brief for Former U. S. Diplomats Morton
Abramowitz et al. as Amici Curiae 7; Brief for Human Rights
Committee of the Bar of England and Wales et al. as Amici Curiae
13-14. No ratifying country has entered a reservation to the provision
prohibiting the execution of juvenile offenders. Parallel prohibitions are
contained in other significant international covenants. See ICCPR, Art. 6(5),
999 U. N. T. S., at 175 (prohibiting capital punishment for
anyone under 18 at the time of offense) (signed and ratified by the United
States subject to a reservation regarding Article 6(5), as noted, supra,
at 13); American Convention on Human Rights: Pact of San José, Costa Rica, Art.
4(5), Nov. 22, 1969, 1144 U. N. T. S. 146 (entered into force
July 19, 1978) (same); African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child,
Art. 5(3), OAU Doc. CAB/LEG/
24.9/49 (1990) (entered into force Nov. 29, 1999) (same).
Respondent and his amici have submitted, and petitioner does not contest, that only seven countries other than the United States have executed juvenile offenders since 1990: Iran, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and China. Since then each of these countries has either abolished capital punishment for juveniles or made public disavowal of the practice. Brief for Respondent 49-50. In sum, it is fair to say that the United States now stands alone in a world that has turned its face against the juvenile death penalty.
Though the international covenants prohibiting the juvenile death penalty are of more recent date, it is instructive to note that the United Kingdom abolished the juvenile death penalty before these covenants came into being. The United Kingdom's experience bears particular relevance here in light of the historic ties between our countries and in light of the Eighth Amendment's own origins. The Amendment was modeled on a parallel provision in the English Declaration of Rights of 1689, which provided: "[E]xcessive Bail ought not to be required nor excessive Fines imposed; nor cruel and unusuall Punishments inflicted." 1 W. & M., ch. 2, §10, in 3 Eng. Stat. at Large 441 (1770); see also Trop, supra, at 100 (plurality opinion). As of now, the United Kingdom has abolished the death penalty in its entirety; but, decades before it took this step, it recognized the disproportionate nature of the juvenile death penalty; and it abolished that penalty as a separate matter. In 1930 an official committee recommended that the minimum age for execution be raised to 21. House of Commons Report from the Select Committee on Capital Punishment (1930), 193, p. 44. Parliament then enacted the Children and Young Person's Act of 1933, 23 Geo. 5, ch. 12, which prevented execution of those aged 18 at the date of the sentence. And in 1948, Parliament enacted the Criminal Justice Act, 11 & 12 Geo. 6, ch. 58, prohibiting the execution of any person under 18 at the time of the offense. In the 56 years that have passed since the United Kingdom abolished the juvenile death penalty, the weight of authority against it there, and in the international community, has become well established.
It is proper that we acknowledge the
overwhelming weight of international opinion against the juvenile death penalty,
resting in large part on the understanding that the instability and emotional
imbalance of young people may often be a factor in the crime. See Brief for
Human Rights Committee of the Bar of England and Wales
et al. as Amici Curiae 10-11. The opinion of the world community,
while not controlling our outcome, does provide respected and significant
confirmation for our own
conclusions.
Over time, from one generation to the next, the Constitution has come to earn the high respect and even, as Madison dared to hope, the veneration of the American people. See The Federalist No. 49, p. 314 (C. Rossiter ed. 1961). The document sets forth, and rests upon, innovative principles original to the American experience, such as federalism; a proven balance in political mechanisms through separation of powers; specific guarantees for the accused in criminal cases; and broad provisions to secure individual freedom and preserve human dignity. These doctrines and guarantees are central to the American experience and remain essential to our present-day self-definition and national identity. Not the least of the reasons we honor the Constitution, then, is because we know it to be our own. It does not lessen our fidelity to the Constitution or our pride in its origins to acknowledge that the express affirmation of certain fundamental rights by other nations and peoples simply underscores the centrality of those same rights within our own heritage of freedom.
***
The Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments forbid imposition of the death penalty on offenders who were under the age of 18 when their crimes were committed. The judgment of the Missouri Supreme Court setting aside the sentence of death imposed upon Christopher Simmons is affirmed.
It is so ordered.
APPENDIX A TO OPINION OF THE COURT
I.STATES THAT PERMIT THE IMPOSITION OF THE DEATH PENALTY ON JUVENILES
Alabama
Ala. Code §13A-6-2(c) (West 2004) (no express minimum age)
Arizona
Ariz. Rev. Stat. Ann. §13-703(A) (West Supp. 2004) (same)
Arkansas
Ark. Code Ann. §5-4-615 (Michie 1997) (same)
Delaware
Del. Code Ann., Tit. 11, (Lexis 1995) (same)
Florida
Fla. Stat. §985.225(1) (2003) (same)
Georgia
Ga. Code Ann. §17-9-3 (Lexis 2004) (same)
Idaho
Idaho Code §18-4004 (Michie 2004) (same)
Kentucky
Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. §640.040(1) (Lexis 1999) (minimum age of 16)
Louisiana
La. Stat. Ann. §14:30(c) (West Supp. 2004) (no express minimum age)
Mississippi
Miss. Code Ann. §97-3-21 (Lexis 2000) (same)
Missouri
Mo. Rev. Stat. Ann. §565.020 (1999) (minimum age of 16)
Nevada
Nev. Rev. Stat. §176.025 (2003) (minimum age of 16)
New Hampshire
N. H. Rev. Stat. Ann. §630:1(V) (West 1996) (minimum age of 17)
North Carolina
N. C. Gen. Stat. §14-17 (Lexis 2003) (minimum age of 17, except that those under 17 who commit murder while serving a prison sentence for a previous murder may receive the death penalty)
Oklahoma
Okla. Stat. Ann., Tit. 21, §701.10 (West 2002) (no express minimum age)
Pennsylvania
18 Pa. Cons. Stat. §1102 (2002) (same)
South Carolina
S. C. Code Ann. §16-3-20 (West Supp. 2003 and main ed.) (same)
Texas
Tex. Penal Code Ann. §8.07(c) (West 2003) (minimum age of 17)
Utah
Utah Code Ann. §76-3-206(1) (Lexis 2002) (no express minimum age)
Virginia
Va. Code Ann. §18.2-10(a) (Lexis Supp. 2003) (minimum age of 16)
II.STATES THAT RETAIN THE DEATH PENALTY, BUT SET THE MINIMUM AGE AT 18
California
Cal. Penal Code Ann. §190.5 (West 1999)
Colorado
Colo. Rev. Stat. §18-1.4-102(1)(a) (Lexis 2004)
Connecticut
Conn. Gen. Stat. Ann. §53a-46a(h) (West 2001)
Illinois
Ill. Comp. Stat. Ann., ch. 720, §5/9-1(b) (West Supp. 2004)
Indiana
Ind. Code Ann. §35-50-2-3 (1993)
Kansas
Kan. Stat. Ann. §21-4622 (1995)
Maryland
Md. Crim. Law Code Ann. §2-202(b)(2)(i) (Lexis 2002)
Montana
Mont. Code Ann. §45-5-102 (2003)
Nebraska
Neb. Rev. Stat. §28-105.01(1) (1995)
New Jersey
N. J. Stat. Ann. §2C:11-3(g) (West Supp. 2003)
New Mexico
N. M. Stat. Ann. §31-18-14(A) (West Supp. 2000)
New York
N. Y. Penal Law Ann. §125.27(West 2004)
Ohio
Ohio Rev. Code Ann. §2929.02(A) (Lexis 2003)
Oregon
Ore. Rev. Stat. §§161.620, 137.707(2) (1997)
South Dakota
2004 S. D. Laws ch. 166 to be codified in S. D. Codified Laws §23A-27A-42
Tennessee
Tenn. Code Ann. §37-1-134(a)(1) (Lexis 1996)
Washington
Minimum age of 18 established by judicial decision. State v. Furman, 122 Wash. 2d 440, 858 P. 2d 1092 (1993)
Wyoming
Wyo. Stat. §6-2-101(b) (Lexis 2003)
***
During the past year, decisions by the highest courts of Kansas and New York invalidated provisions in those States' death penalty statutes. State v. Marsh, ___ Kan. ___, 102 P. 3d 445 (2004) (invalidating provision that required imposition of the death penalty if aggravating and mitigating circumstances were found to be in equal balance); People v. LaValle, 3 N. Y. 3d 88, 817 N. E. 2d 341 (2004) (invalidating mandatory requirement to instruct the jury that, in the case of jury deadlock as to the appropriate sentence in a capital case, the defendant would receive a sentence of life imprisonment with parole eligibility after serving a minimum of 20 to 25 years). Due to these decisions, it would appear that in these States the death penalty remains on the books, but that as a practical matter it might not be imposed on anyone until there is a change of course in these decisions, or until the respective state legislatures remedy the problems the courts have identified. Marsh, supra, at ___, ___, 102 p. 3d, at 452, 464; LaValle, supra, at 99, 817 N. E 2d, at 344.
III.STATES WITHOUT THE DEATH PENALTY
Alaska
Hawaii
Iowa
Maine
Massachusetts
Michigan
Minnesota
North Dakota
Rhode Island
Vermont
West Virginia
Wisconsin
APPENDIX B TO OPINION OF THE COURT
STATE STATUTES ESTABLISHING A MINIMUM AGE TO VOTE
STATE
AGE
STATUTE
Alabama
18
Ala. Const., Amdt. No. 579
Alaska
18
Alaska Const., Art. V, §1
Alaska Stat. §15-05-010 (Lexis 2002)
Arizona
18
Ariz. Const., Art. VII, §2
Ariz. Rev. Stat. §16-101 (West 1996)
Arkansas
18
Ark. Code Ann. §9-25-101 (Lexis 2002)
California
18
Cal. Const., Art. 2, §2
Colorado
18
Colo. Rev. Stat. §1-2-101 (Lexis 2004)
Connecticut
18
Conn. Const., Art. 6, §1
Conn. Gen. Stat. §9-12 (2003)
Delaware
18
Del. Code Ann., Tit. 15, §1701 (Michie 2002)
District of Columbia
18
D. C. Code §1-1001.02(2)(B) (West Supp. 2004)
Florida
18
Fla. Stat. ch. 97.041 (2003)
Georgia
18
Ga. Const., Art. 2, §1, ¶2
Ga. Code Ann. §21-2-216 (Lexis 2003)
Hawaii
Haw. Const., Art. II, §1
Haw. Rev. Stat. §11-12 (1995)
Idaho
18
Idaho Code §34-402 (Michie 2001)
Illinois
18
Ill. Const., Art. III, §1
Ill. Comp. Stat. Ann., ch. 10, §5/3-1 (West 2003)
Indiana
18
Ind. Code Ann. §3-7-13-1 (Lexis 1997)
Iowa
18
Iowa Code §48A.5 (2003)
Kansas
18
Kan. Const., Art. 5, §1
Kentucky
18
Ky. Const., §145
Louisiana
18
La. Const., Art. I, §10
La. Rev. Stat. Ann. §18:101 (West 2004)
Maine
18
Me. Const., Art. II, §1
Me. Rev. Stat. Ann., Tit. 21-A, §111 (West 1998 and Supp. 2004)
Maryland
18
Md. Elec. Law Code Ann. §3-102 (Lexis 2002)
Massachusetts
18
Mass. Gen. Laws Ann., ch. 51, §1 (West Supp. 2004)
Michigan
18
Mich. Comp. Laws Ann. §168.492 (West 1989)
Minnesota
18
Minn. Stat. §201.014(1)(a) (2002)
Mississippi
18
Miss. Const., Art. 12, §241
Missouri
18
Mo. Const., Art. VIII, §2
Montana
18
Mont. Const., Art. IV, §2
Mont. Code Ann. §13-1-111 (2003)
Nebraska
18
Neb. Const., Art. VI, §1
Neb. Rev. Stat. §32-110 (2004)
Nevada
18
Nev. Rev. Stat. §293.485 (2003)
New Hampshire
18
N. H. Const., Art., pt. 1, 11
New Jersey
18
N. J. Const., Art. II, §1, ¶3
New Mexico
18
[no provision other than U. S. Const., Amdt. XXVI]
New York
18
N. Y. Elec. Law Ann. §5-102 (West 1998)
North Carolina
18
N. C. Gen. Stat. Ann. §163-55 (Lexis 2003)
North Dakota
18
N. D. Const., Art. II, §1
Ohio
18
Ohio Const., Art. V, §1
Ohio Rev. Code Ann. §3503.01 (Anderson 1996)
Oklahoma
18
Okla. Const., Art. III, §1
Oregon
18
Ore. Const., Art. II, §2
Pennsylvania
18
25 Pa. Cons. Stat. Ann. §2811 (1994)
Rhode Island
18
R. I. Gen. Laws §17-1-3 (Lexis 2003)
South Carolina
18
S. C. Code Ann. §7-5-610 (West Supp. 2003)
South Dakota
18
S. D. Const., Art. VII, §2
S. D. Codified Laws Ann. §12-3-1 (Michie 1995)
Tennessee
18
Tenn. Code Ann. §2-2-102 (Lexis 2003)
Texas
18
Tex. Elec. Code Ann. §11.002 (West 2003)
Utah
18
Utah Const., Art. IV, §2
Utah Code Ann. §20A-2-101 (Lexis 2002)
Vermont
18
Vt. Stat. Ann., Tit. 17, §2121 (Lexis 2002)
Virginia
18
Va. Const., Art. II, §1
Washington
18
Wash. Const., Art. VI, §1
West Virginia
18
W. Va. Code §3-1-3 (Lexis 2002)
Wisconsin
18
Wis. Const., Art. III, §1
Wis. Stat. §6.02 (West 2004)
Wyoming
18
Wyo. Stat. Ann. §§22-1-102, 22-3-102 (West 2004)
***
The Twenty-Sixth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States provides that "[t]he right of citizens of the United States, who are eighteen years of age or older, to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of age."
APPENDIX C TO OPINION OF THE COURT
STATE STATUTES ESTABLISHING A MINIMUM AGE FOR JURY SERVICE
STATE
AGE
STATUTE
Alabama
19
Ala. Code §12-16-60(a)(1) (West 2002)
Alaska
18
Alaska Stat. §09.20.010(a)(3) (Lexis 2002)
Arizona
18
Ariz. Rev. Stat. §21-301(D) (West 2002)
Arkansas
18
Ark. Code Ann. §§16-31-101, 16-32-302 (Lexis 2003)
California
18
Cal. Civ. Proc. §203(a)(2) (West Supp. 2004)
Colorado
18
Colo. Rev. Stat. §13-71-105(2)(a) (Lexis 2004)
Connecticut
18
Conn. Gen. Stat. Ann. §51-217(a) (West Supp. 2004)
Delaware
18
Del. Code Ann., Tit. 10, §4509(b)(2) (Michie 1999)
District of Columbia
18
D. C. Code §11-1906(b)(1)(C) (West 2001)
Florida
18
Fla. Stat. §40.01 (2003)
Georgia
18
Ga. Code Ann. §§15-12-60, 15-12-163 (Lexis 2001)
Hawaii
18
Haw. Rev. Stat. §612-4(a)(1) (2003)
Idaho
18
Idaho Code §2-209(2)(a) (Michie 2003)
Illinois
18
Ill. Comp. Stat. Ann., ch. 705, §305/2 (West 2002)
Indiana
18
Ind. Code Ann. §33-28-4-8 (Lexis 2004)
Iowa
18
Iowa Code §607A.4(1)(a) (2003)
Kansas
18
Kan. Stat. Ann. §43-156 (2000) (jurors must be qualified to be electors); Kan. Const., Art. 5, §1 (person must be 18 to be qualified elector)
Kentucky
18
Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. §29A.080(2)(a) (Lexis Supp. 2004)
Louisiana
18
La. Code Crim. Proc. Ann., Art. 401(A)(2) (West 2003)
Maine
18
Me. Rev. Stat. Ann., Tit. 14, §1211 (West 1980)
Maryland
18
Md. Cts. & Jud. Proc. Code Ann. §8-104 (Lexis 2002)
Massachusetts
18
Mass. Gen. Laws. Ann., ch. 234, §1 (West 2000) (jurors must be qualified to vote); ch. 51, §1 (West Supp. 2004) (person must be 18 to vote)
Michigan
18
Mich. Comp. Laws Ann. §600.1307a(1)(a) (West Supp. 2004)
Minnesota
18
Minn. Dist. Ct. Rule 808(b)(2) (2002)
Mississippi
21
Miss. Code Ann. §13-5-1 (Lexis 2002)
Missouri
21
Mo. Rev. Stat. §494.425(1) (2000)
Montana
18
Mont. Code Ann. §3-15-301 (2003)
Nebraska
19
Neb. Rev. Stat. §25-1601 (Supp. 2003)
Nevada
18
Nev. Rev. Stat. §6.010 (2003) (juror must be qualified elector); §293.485 (person must be 18 to vote)
New Hampshire
18
N. H. Rev. Stat. Ann. §500-A:7-a(I) (Lexis Supp. 2004)
New Jersey
18
N. J. Stat. Ann. §2B:20-1(a) (West 2004 Pamphlet)
New Mexico
18
N. M. Stat. Ann. §38-5-1 (1998)
New York
18
N. Y. Jud. Law Ann. §510(2) (West 2003)
North Carolina
18
N. C. Gen. Stat. Ann. §9-3 (Lexis 2003)
North Dakota
18
N. D. Cent. Code §27-09.1-08(2)(b) (Supp. 2003)
Ohio
18
Ohio Rev. Code Ann. §2313.42 (Anderson 2001)
Oklahoma
18
Okla. Stat. Ann., Tit. 38, §28 (West Supp. 2005)
Rhode Island
18
R. I. Gen. Laws §9-9-1.1(a)(2) (Lexis Supp. 2004)
South Carolina
18
S. C. Code Ann. §14-7-130 (West Supp. 2003)
South Dakota
18
S. D. Codified Laws §16-13-10 (Lexis Supp. 2003)
Tennessee
18
Tenn. Code Ann. §22-1-101 (Lexis Supp. 2003)
Texas
18
Tex. Govt. Code Ann. §62.102(1) (West 1998)
Utah
18
Utah Code Ann. §78-46-7(1)(b) (Lexis 2002)
Vermont
18
Vt. Stat. Ann., Tit. 4, §962(a)(1) (Lexis 1999); (jurors must have attained age of majority); Tit. 1, §173 (Lexis 2003) (age of majority is 18)
Virginia
18
Va. Code Ann. §8.01-337 (Lexis 2000)
Washington
18
Wash. Rev. Ann. Code §2.36.070 (West 2004)
West Virginia
18
W. Va. Code §52-1-8(b)(1) (Lexis 2000)
Wisconsin
18
Wis. Stat. §756.02 (West 2001)
Wyoming
18
Wyo. Stat. Ann. §1-11-101 (Lexis 2003) (jurors must be adults); §14-1-101 (person becomes an adult at 18)
APPENDIX D TO OPINION OF THE COURT
STATE STATUTES ESTABLISHING A MINIMUM AGE FOR MARRIAGE WITHOUT PARENTAL OR JUDICIAL CONSENT
STATE
AGE
STATUTE
Alabama
18
Ala. Code §30-1-5 (West Supp. 2004)
Alaska
18
Alaska Stat. §§25.05.011, 25.05.171 (Lexis 2002)
Arizona
18
Ariz. Rev. Stat. Ann. §25-102 (West Supp. 2004)
Arkansas
18
Ark. Code Ann. §§9-11-102, 9-11-208 (Lexis 2002)
California
18
Cal. Fam. Code Ann. §301 (West 2004)
Colorado
18
Colo. Rev. Stat. Ann. §14-2-106 (Lexis 2004)
Connecticut
18
Conn. Gen. Stat. §46b-30 (2003)
Delaware
18
Del. Code Ann., Tit. 13, §123 (Lexis 1999)
District of Columbia
18
D. C. Code §46-411 (West 2001)
Florida
18
Fla. Stat. §§741.04, 741.0405 (2003)
Georgia
16
Ga. Code Ann. §§19-3-2, 19-3-37 (Lexis 2004) (those under 18 must obtain parental consent unless female applicant is pregnant or both applicants are parents of a living child, in which case minimum age to marry without consent is 16)
Hawaii
18
Haw. Rev. Stat. §572-2 (1993)
Idaho
18
Idaho Code §32-202 (Michie 1996)
Illinois
18
Ill. Comp. Stat. Ann., ch. 750, §5/203 (West 1999)
Indiana
18
Ind. Code Ann. §§31-11-1-4, 31-11-1-5, 31-11-2-1, 31-11-2-3 (Lexis 1997)
Iowa
18
Iowa Code §595.2 (2003)
Kansas
18
Kan. Stat. Ann. §23-106 (Supp. 2003)
Kentucky
18
Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. §§402.020, 402.210 (Lexis 1999)
Louisiana
18
La. Children's Code Ann., Arts. 1545, 1547 (West 2004) (minors may not marry without consent); La. Civ. Code Ann., Art. 29 (West 1999) (age of majority is 18)
Maine
18
Me. Rev. Stat. Ann., Tit. 19-A, §652 (West 1998 and Supp. 2004)
Maryland
16
Md. Fam. Law Code Ann. §2-301 (Lexis 2004) (those under 18 must obtain parental consent unless female applicant can present proof of pregnancy or a child, in which case minimum age to marry without consent is 16)
Massachusetts
18
Mass. Gen. Laws Ann., ch. 207, §§7, 24, 25 (West 1998)
Michigan
18
Mich. Comp. Laws Ann. §551.103 (West 1988)
Minnesota
18
Minn. Stat. §517.02 (2002)
Mississippi
15/17
Miss. Code Ann. §93-1-5 (Lexis 2004) (female applicants must be 15; male applicants must be 17)
Missouri
18
Mo. Rev. Stat. §451.090 (2000)
Montana
18
Mont. Code Ann. §§40-1-202, 40-1-213 (2003)
Nebraska
19
Neb. Rev. Stat. §42-105 (2004) (minors must have parental consent to marry); §43-2101 (defining "minor" as a person under 19)
Nevada
18
Nev. Rev. Stat. §122.020 (2003)
New Hampshire
18
N. H. Rev. Stat. Ann. §457:5 (West 1992)
New Jersey
18
N. J. Stat. Ann. §37:1-6 (West 2002)
New Mexico
18
N. M. Stat. Ann. §40-1-6 (1999)
New York
18
N. Y. Dom. Rel. Law Ann. §15 (West Supp. 2004)
North Carolina
18
N. C. Gen. Stat. Ann. §51-2 (Lexis 2003)
North Dakota
18
N. D. Cent. Code §14-03-02 (Lexis 2004)
Ohio
18
Ohio Rev. Code Ann. §3101.01 (Lexis 2003)
Oklahoma
18
Okla. Stat. Ann., Tit. 43, §3 (West Supp. 2005)
Oregon
18
Ore. Rev. Stat. §106.060 (2003)
Pennsylvania
18
23 Pa. Cons. Stat. §1304 (1997)
Rhode Island
18
R. I. Gen. Laws §15-2-11 (Lexis Supp. 2004)
South Carolina
18
S. C. Code Ann. §20-1-250 (West Supp. 2003)
South Dakota
18
S. D. Codified Laws §25-1-9 (Lexis 1999)
Tennessee
18
Tenn. Code Ann. §36-3-106 (Lexis 1996)
Texas
18
Tex. Fam. Code Ann. §§2.101-2.103 (West 1998)
Utah
18
Utah Code Ann. §30-1-9 (Lexis Supp. 2004)
Vermont
18
Vt. Stat. Ann., Tit. 18, §5142 (Lexis 2000)
Virginia
18
Va. Code Ann. §§20-45.1, 20-48, 20-49 (Lexis 2004)
Washington
18
Wash. Rev. Code Ann. §26.04.210 (West Supp. 2005)
West Virginia
18
W. Va. Code §48-2-301 (Lexis 2004)
Wisconsin
18
Wis. Stat. §765.02 (1999-2000)
Wyoming
18
Wyo. Stat. Ann. §20-1-102 (Lexis 2003)
DONALD P. ROPER, SUPERINTENDENT, POTOSI
CORRECTIONAL CENTER, PETITIONER v.
CHRISTOPHER SIMMONS
on writ of certiorari to the supreme court of
missouri
[March 1, 2005]
Justice Stevens, with whom Justice Ginsburg joins, concurring.
Perhaps even more important than our specific holding today is our reaffirmation of the basic principle that informs the Court's interpretation of the Eighth Amendment. If the meaning of that Amendment had been frozen when it was originally drafted, it would impose no impediment to the execution of 7-year-old children today. See Stanford v. Kentucky, 492 U. S. 361, 368 (1989) (describing the common law at the time of the Amendment's adoption). The evolving standards of decency that have driven our construction of this critically important part of the Bill of Rights foreclose any such reading of the Amendment. In the best tradition of the common law, the pace of that evolution is a matter for continuing debate; but that our understanding of the Constitution does change from time to time has been settled since John Marshall breathed life into its text. If great lawyers of his day--Alexander Hamilton, for example--were sitting with us today, I would expect them to join Justice Kennedy's opinion for the Court. In all events, I do so without hesitation.
DONALD P. ROPER, SUPERINTENDENT, POTOSI
CORRECTIONAL CENTER, PETITIONER v.
CHRISTOPHER SIMMONS
on writ of certiorari to the supreme court of
missouri
[March 1, 2005]
Justice O'Connor, dissenting.
The Court's decision today establishes a categorical rule forbidding the execution of any offender for any crime committed before his 18th birthday, no matter how deliberate, wanton, or cruel the offense. Neither the objective evidence of contemporary societal values, nor the Court's moral proportionality analysis, nor the two in tandem suffice to justify this ruling.
Although the Court finds support for its decision in the fact that a majority of the States now disallow capital punishment of 17-year-old offenders, it refrains from asserting that its holding is compelled by a genuine national consensus. Indeed, the evidence before us fails to demonstrate conclusively that any such consensus has emerged in the brief period since we upheld the constitutionality of this practice in Stanford v. Kentucky, 492 U. S. 361 (1989).
Instead, the rule decreed by the Court rests, ultimately, on its independent moral judgment that death is a disproportionately severe punishment for any 17-year-old offender. I do not subscribe to this judgment. Adolescents as a class are undoubtedly less mature, and therefore less culpable for their misconduct, than adults. But the Court has adduced no evidence impeaching the seemingly reasonable conclusion reached by many state legislatures: that at least some 17-year-old murderers are sufficiently mature to deserve the death penalty in an appropriate case. Nor has it been shown that capital sentencing juries are incapable of accurately assessing a youthful defendant's maturity or of giving due weight to the mitigating characteristics associated with youth.
On this record--and especially in light of the fact that so little has changed since our recent decision in Stanford--I would not substitute our judgment about the moral propriety of capital punishment for 17-year-old murderers for the judgments of the Nation's legislatures. Rather, I would demand a clearer showing that our society truly has set its face against this practice before reading the Eighth Amendment categorically to forbid it.
I
A
Let me begin by making clear that I agree with much of the Court's description of the general principles that guide our Eighth Amendment jurisprudence. The Amendment bars not only punishments that are inherently " 'barbaric,' " but also those that are " ' excessive' in relation to the crime committed. " Coker v. Georgia, 433 U. S. 584, 592 (1977) (plurality opinion). A sanction is therefore beyond the state's authority to inflict if it makes "no measurable contribution" to acceptable penal goals or is "grossly out of proportion to the severity of the crime." Ibid. The basic "precept of justice that punishment for crime should be ... proportioned to [the] offense," Weems v. United States, 217 U. S. 349, 367 (1910), applies with special force to the death penalty. In capital cases, the Constitution demands that the punishment be tailored both to the nature of the crime itself and to the defendant's "personal responsibility and moral guilt." Enmund v. Florida, 458 U. S. 782, 801 (1982); see also id., at 825 (O'Connor, J., dissenting); Tison v. Arizona, 481 U. S. 137, 149 (1987); Eddings v. Oklahoma, 455 U. S. 104, 111-112 (1982).
It is by now beyond serious dispute that the Eighth Amendment's prohibition of "cruel and unusual punishments" is not a static command. Its mandate would be little more than a dead letter today if it barred only those sanctions--like the execution of children under the age of seven--that civilized society had already repudiated in 1791. See ante, at 1 (Stevens, J., concurring); cf. Stanford, supra, at 368 (discussing the common law rule at the time the Bill of Rights was adopted). Rather, because "[t]he basic concept underlying the Eighth Amendment is nothing less than the dignity of man," the Amendment "must draw its meaning from the evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society." Trop v. Dulles, 356 U. S. 86, 100-101 (1958) (plurality opinion). In discerning those standards, we look to "objective factors to the maximum possible extent." Coker, supra, at 592 (plurality opinion). Laws enacted by the Nation's legislatures provide the "clearest and most reliable objective evidence of contemporary values." Penry v. Lynaugh, 492 U. S. 302, 331 (1989). And data reflecting the actions of sentencing juries, where available, can also afford " 'a significant and reliable objective index' " of societal mores. Coker, supra, at 596 (plurality opinion) (quoting Gregg v. Georgia, 428 U. S. 153, 181 (1976)) (joint opinion of Stewart, Powell, and Stevens, JJ.).
Although objective evidence of this nature is entitled to great weight, it does not end our inquiry. Rather, as the Court today reaffirms, see ante, at 9, 20-21, "the Constitution contemplates that in the end our own judgment will be brought to bear on the question of the acceptability of the death penalty under the Eighth Amendment." Coker, supra, at 597 (plurality opinion). "[P]roportionality--at least as regards capital punishment--not only requires an inquiry into contemporary standards as expressed by legislators and jurors, but also involves the notion that the magnitude of the punishment imposed must be related to the degree of the harm inflicted on the victim, as well as to the degree of the defendant's blameworthiness." Enmund, supra, at 815 (O'Connor, J., dissenting). We therefore have a "constitutional obligation" to judge for ourselves whether the death penalty is excessive punishment for a particular offense or class of offenders. See Stanford, 492 U. S., at 382 (O'Connor, J., concurring in part and concurring in judgment); see also Enmund, supra, at 797 ("[I]t is for us ultimately to judge whether the Eighth Amendment permits imposition of the death penalty").
B
Twice in the last two decades, the Court has applied these principles in deciding whether the Eighth Amendment permits capital punishment of adolescent offenders. In Thompson v. Oklahoma, 487 U. S. 815 (1988), a plurality of four Justices concluded that the Eighth Amendment barred capital punishment of an offender for a crime committed before the age of 16. I concurred in that judgment on narrower grounds. At the time, 32 state legislatures had "definitely concluded that no 15-year-old should be exposed to the threat of execution," and no legislature had affirmatively endorsed such a practice. Id., at 849 (O'Connor, J., concurring in judgment). While acknowledging that a national consensus forbidding the execution of 15-year-old offenders "very likely" did exist, I declined to adopt that conclusion as a matter of constitutional law without clearer evidentiary support. Ibid. Nor, in my view, could the issue be decided based on moral proportionality arguments of the type advanced by the Court today. Granting the premise "that adolescents are generally less blameworthy than adults who commit similar crimes," I wrote, "it does not necessarily follow that all 15-year-olds are incapable of the moral culpability that would justify the imposition of capital punishment." Id., at 853. Similarly, we had before us no evidence "that 15-year-olds as a class are inherently incapable of being deterred from major crimes by the prospect of the death penalty." Ibid. I determined instead that, in light of the strong but inconclusive evidence of a national consensus against capital punishment of under-16 offenders, concerns rooted in the Eighth Amendment required that we apply a clear statement rule. Because the capital punishment statute in Thompson did not specify the minimum age at which commission of a capital crime would be punishable by death, I concluded that the statute could not be read to authorize the death penalty for a 15-year-old offender. Id., at 857-858.
The next year, in Stanford v. Kentucky, supra, the Court held that the execution of 16- or 17-year-old capital murderers did not violate the Eighth Amendment. I again wrote separately, concurring in part and concurring in the judgment. At that time, 25 States did not permit the execution of under-18 offenders, including 13 that lacked the death penalty altogether. See id., at 370. While noting that "[t]he day may come when there is such general legislative rejection of the execution of 16- or 17-year-old capital murderers that a clear national consensus can be said to have developed," I concluded that that day had not yet arrived. Id., at 381-382 (opinion concurring in part and concurring in judgment). I reaffirmed my view that, beyond assessing the actions of legislatures and juries, the Court has a constitutional obligation to judge for itself whether capital punishment is a proportionate response to the defendant's blameworthiness. Id., at 382. Nevertheless, I concluded that proportionality arguments similar to those endorsed by the Court today did not justify a categorical Eighth Amendment rule against capital punishment of 16- and 17-year-old offenders. See ibid. (citing Thompson, supra, at 853-854 (O'Connor, J., concurring in judgment)).
The Court has also twice addressed the constitutionality of capital punishment of mentally retarded offenders. In Penry v. Lynaugh, 492 U. S. 302 (1989), decided the same year as Stanford, we rejected the claim that the Eighth Amendment barred the execution of the mentally retarded. At that time, only two States specifically prohibited the practice, while 14 others did not have capital punishment at all. 492 U. S., at 334. Much had changed when we revisited the question three Terms ago in Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U. S. 304 (2002). In Atkins, the Court reversed Penry and held that the Eighth Amendment forbids capital punishment of mentally retarded offenders. 536 U. S., at 321. In the 13 years between Penry and Atkins, there had been a wave of legislation prohibiting the execution of such offenders. By the time we heard Atkins, 30 States barred the death penalty for the mentally retarded, and even among those States theoretically permitting such punishment, very few had executed a mentally retarded offender in recent history. 536 U. S., at 314-316. On the basis of this evidence, the Court determined that it was "fair to say that a national consensus ha[d] developed against" the practice. Id., at 316.
But our decision in Atkins did not rest solely on this tentative conclusion. Rather, the Court's independent moral judgment was dispositive. The Court observed that mentally retarded persons suffer from major cognitive and behavioral deficits, i.e., "subaverage intellectual functioning" and "significant limitations in adaptive skills such as communication, self-care, and self-direction that became manifest before age 18." Id., at 318. "Because of their impairments, [such persons] by definition ... have diminished capacities to understand and process information, to communicate, to abstract from mistakes and learn from experience, to engage in logical reasoning, to control impulses, and to understand the reactions of others." Ibid. We concluded that these deficits called into serious doubt whether the execution of mentally retarded offenders would measurably contribute to the principal penological goals that capital punishment is intended to serve--retribution and deterrence. Id., at 319-321. Mentally retarded offenders' impairments so diminish their personal moral culpability that it is highly unlikely that such offenders could ever deserve the ultimate punishment, even in cases of capital murder. Id., at 319. And these same impairments made it very improbable that the threat of the death penalty would deter mentally retarded persons from committing capital crimes. Id., at 319-320. Having concluded that capital punishment of the mentally retarded is inconsistent with the Eighth Amendment, the Court " 'le[ft] to the State[s] the task of developing appropriate ways to enforce the constitutional restriction upon [their] execution of sentences.' " Id., at 317 (quoting Ford v. Wainwright, 477 U. S. 399, 416-417 (1986)).
II
A
Although the general principles that guide our Eighth Amendment jurisprudence afford some common ground, I part ways with the Court in applying them to the case before us. As a preliminary matter, I take issue with the Court's failure to reprove, or even to acknowledge, the Supreme Court of Missouri's unabashed refusal to follow our controlling decision in Stanford. The lower court concluded that, despite Stanford's clear holding and historical recency, our decision was no longer binding authority because it was premised on what the court deemed an obsolete assessment of contemporary values. Quite apart from the merits of the constitutional question, this was clear error.
Because the Eighth Amendment "draw[s] its meaning from ... evolving standards of decency," Trop, 356 U. S., at 101 (plurality opinion), significant changes in societal mores over time may require us to reevaluate a prior decision. Nevertheless, it remains "this Court's prerogative alone to overrule one of its precedents." State Oil Co. v. Khan, 522 U. S. 3, 20 (1997) (emphasis added). That is so even where subsequent decisions or factual developments may appear to have "significantly undermined" the rationale for our earlier holding. United States v. Hatter, 532 U. S. 557, 567 (2001); see also State Oil Co., supra, at 20; Rodriguez de Quijas v. Shearson/American Express, Inc., 490 U. S. 477, 484 (1989). The Eighth Amendment provides no exception to this rule. On the contrary, clear, predictable, and uniform constitutional standards are especially desirable in this sphere. By affirming the lower court's judgment without so much as a slap on the hand, today's decision threatens to invite frequent and disruptive reassessments of our Eighth Amendment precedents.
B
In determining whether the juvenile death
penalty comports with contemporary standards of decency, our inquiry begins with
the "clearest and most reliable objective evidence of contemporary
values"--the actions of the Nation's legislatures. Penry, supra,
at 331. As the Court emphasizes, the overall number of jurisdictions that
currently disallow the execution of under-18 offenders is the same as the number
that forbade the execution of mentally retarded offenders when Atkins
was decided. Ante, at 10. At present, 12 States and the District of
Columbia do not have the death penalty, while an additional 18 States and the
Federal Government authorize capital punishment but prohibit the execution of
under-18 offenders. See ante, at 27-28 (Appendix A). And here, as in Atkins,
only a very small fraction of the States that permit capital punishment of
offenders within the relevant class has actually carried out such an execution
in recent history: Six States have executed under-18 offenders in the 16 years
since Stanford, while five States had executed
mentally retarded offenders in the 13 years prior to
Atkins. See Atkins, 536
U. S., at 316; V. Streib, The
Juvenile Death Penalty Today: Death Sentences and Executions for Juvenile
Crimes, January 1, 1973-December 31, 2004, No. 76, pp. 15-23 (2005),
available
at http://www.law.onu.edu/faculty/streib/documents/Juv
DeathDec2004.pdf (last updated Jan. 31, 2005) (as visited Feb. 25, 2005, and
available in the Clerk of the Court's case file) (hereinafter Streib). In these
respects, the objective evidence in this case is, indeed, "similar, and in
some respects parallel to" the evidence upon which we relied in Atkins.
Ante, at 10.
While the similarities between the two cases are undeniable, the objective evidence of national consensus is marginally weaker here. Most importantly, in Atkins there was significant evidence of opposition to the execution of the mentally retarded, but there was virtually no countervailing evidence of affirmative legislative support for this practice. Cf. Thompson, 487 U. S., at 849 (O'Connor, J., concurring in judgment) (attributing significance to the fact that "no legislature in this country has affirmatively and unequivocally endorsed" capital punishment of 15-year-old offenders). The States that permitted such executions did so only because they had not enacted any prohibitory legislation. Here, by contrast, at least eight States have current statutes that specifically set 16 or 17 as the minimum age at which commission of a capital crime can expose the offender to the death penalty. See ante, at 26 (Appendix A).** Five of these eight States presently have one or more juvenile offenders on death row (six if respondent is included in the count), see Streib 24-31, and four of them have executed at least one under-18 offender in the past 15 years, see id., at 15-23. In all, there are currently over 70 juvenile offenders on death row in 12 different States (13 including respondent). See id., at 11, 24-31. This evidence suggests some measure of continuing public support for the availability of the death penalty for 17-year-old capital murderers.
Moreover, the Court in Atkins made clear that it was "not so much the number of [States forbidding execution of the mentally retarded] that [was] significant, but the consistency of the direction of change." 536 U. S., at 315. In contrast to the trend in Atkins, the States have not moved uniformly towards abolishing the juvenile death penalty. Instead, since our decision in Stanford, two States have expressly reaffirmed their support for this practice by enacting statutes setting 16 as the minimum age for capital punishment. See Mo. Rev. Stat. §565.020.2 (2000); Va. Code Ann. §18.2-10(a) (Lexis 2004). Furthermore, as the Court emphasized in Atkins itself, 536 U. S., at 315, n. 18, the pace of legislative action in this context has been considerably slower than it was with regard to capital punishment of the mentally retarded. In the 13 years between our decisions in Penry and Atkins, no fewer than 16 States banned the execution of mentally retarded offenders. See Atkins, supra, at 314-315. By comparison, since our decision 16 years ago in Stanford, only four States that previously permitted the execution of under-18 offenders, plus the Federal Government, have legistlatively reversed course, and one additional State's high court has construed the State's death penalty statute not to apply to under-18 offenders, see State v. Furman, 122 Wash. 2d 440, 458, 858 P. 2d 1092, 1103 (1993) (en banc). The slower pace of change is no doubt partially attributable, as the Court says, to the fact that 11 States had already imposed a minimum age of 18 when Stanford was decided. See ante, at 12-13. Nevertheless, the extraordinary wave of legislative action leading up to our decision in Atkins provided strong evidence that the country truly had set itself against capital punishment of the mentally retarded. Here, by contrast, the halting pace of change gives reason for pause.
To the extent that the objective evidence supporting today's decision is similar to that in Atkins, this merely highlights the fact that such evidence is not dispositive in either of the two cases. After all, as the Court today confirms, ante, at 9, 20-21, the Constitution requires that " 'in the end our own judgment ... be brought to bear' " in deciding whether the Eighth Amendment forbids a particular punishment. Atkins, supra, at 312 (quoting Coker, 433 U. S., at 597 (plurality opinion)). This judgment is not merely a rubber stamp on the tally of legislative and jury actions. Rather, it is an integral part of the Eighth Amendment inquiry--and one that is entitled to independent weight in reaching our ultimate decision.
Here, as in Atkins, the objective evidence of a national consensus is weaker than in most prior cases in which the Court has struck down a particular punishment under the Eighth Amendment. See Coker, supra, at 595-596 (plurality opinion) (striking down death penalty for rape of an adult woman, where only one jurisdiction authorized such punishment); Enmund, 458 U. S., at 792 (striking down death penalty for certain crimes of aiding and abetting felony-murder, where only eight jurisdictions authorized such punishment); Ford v. Wainwright, 477 U. S., at 408 (striking down capital punishment of the insane, where no jurisdiction permitted this practice). In my view, the objective evidence of national consensus, standing alone, was insufficient to dictate the Court's holding in Atkins. Rather, the compelling moral proportionality argument against capital punishment of mentally retarded offenders played a decisive role in persuading the Court that the practice was inconsistent with the Eighth Amendment. Indeed, the force of the proportionality argument in Atkins significantly bolstered the Court's confidence that the objective evidence in that case did, in fact, herald the emergence of a genuine national consensus. Here, by contrast, the proportionality argument against the juvenile death penalty is so flawed that it can be given little, if any, analytical weight--it proves too weak to resolve the lingering ambiguities in the objective evidence of legislative consensus or to justify the Court's categorical rule.
C
Seventeen-year-old murderers must be categorically exempted from capital punishment, the Court says, because they "cannot with reliability be classified among the worst offenders." Ante, at 15. That conclusion is premised on three perceived differences between "adults," who have already reached their 18th birthdays, and "juveniles," who have not. See ante, at 15-16. First, juveniles lack maturity and responsibility and are more reckless than adults. Second, juveniles are more vulnerable to outside influences because they have less control over their surroundings. And third, a juvenile's character is not as fully formed as that of an adult. Based on these characteristics, the Court determines that 17-year-old capital murderers are not as blameworthy as adults guilty of similar crimes; that 17-year-olds are less likely than adults to be deterred by the prospect of a death sentence; and that it is difficult to conclude that a 17-year-old who commits even the most heinous of crimes is "irretrievably depraved." Ante, at 16-18. The Court suggests that "a rare case might arise in which a juvenile offender has sufficient psychological maturity, and at the same time demonstrates sufficient depravity, to merit a sentence of death." Ante, at 18. However, the Court argues that a categorical age-based prohibition is justified as a prophylactic rule because "[t]he differences between juvenile and adult offenders are too marked and well understood to risk allowing a youthful person to receive the death penalty despite insufficient culpability." Ante, at 19.
It is beyond cavil that juveniles as a class are generally less mature, less responsible, and less fully formed than adults, and that these differences bear on juveniles' comparative moral culpability. See, e.g., Johnson v. Texas, 509 U. S. 350, 367 (1993) ("There is no dispute that a defendant's youth is a relevant mitigating circumstance"); id., at 376 (O'Connor, J., dissenting) ("[T]he vicissitudes of youth bear directly on the young offender's culpability and responsibility for the crime"); Eddings, 455 U. S., at 115-116 ("Our history is replete with laws and judicial recognition that minors, especially in their earlier years, generally are less mature and responsible than adults"). But even accepting this premise, the Court's proportionality argument fails to support its categorical rule.
First, the Court adduces no evidence whatsoever in support of its sweeping conclusion, see ante, at 18, that it is only in "rare" cases, if ever, that 17-year-old murderers are sufficiently mature and act with sufficient depravity to warrant the death penalty. The fact that juveniles are generally less culpable for their misconduct than adults does not necessarily mean that a 17-year-old murderer cannot be sufficiently culpable to merit the death penalty. At most, the Court's argument suggests that the average 17-year-old murderer is not as culpable as the average adult murderer. But an especially depraved juvenile offender may nevertheless be just as culpable as many adult offenders considered bad enough to deserve the death penalty. Similarly, the fact that the availability of the death penalty may be less likely to deter a juvenile from committing a capital crime does not imply that this threat cannot effectively deter some 17-year-olds from such an act. Surely there is an age below which no offender, no matter what his crime, can be deemed to have the cognitive or emotional maturity necessary to warrant the death penalty. But at least at the margins between adolescence and adulthood--and especially for 17-year-olds such as respondent--the relevant differences between "adults" and "juveniles" appear to be a matter of degree, rather than of kind. It follows that a legislature may reasonably conclude that at least some 17-year-olds can act with sufficient moral culpability, and can be sufficiently deterred by the threat of execution, that capital punishment may be warranted in an appropriate case.
Indeed, this appears to be just such a case. Christopher Simmons' murder of Shirley Crook was premeditated, wanton, and cruel in the extreme. Well before he committed this crime, Simmons declared that he wanted to kill someone. On several occasions, he discussed with two friends (ages 15 and 16) his plan to burglarize a house and to murder the victim by tying the victim up and pushing him from a bridge. Simmons said they could " 'get away with it' " because they were minors. Brief for Petitioners 3. In accord with this plan, Simmons and his 15-year-old accomplice broke into Mrs. Crook's home in the middle of the night, forced her from her bed, bound her, and drove her to a state park. There, they walked her to a railroad trestle spanning a river, "hog-tied" her with electrical cable, bound her face completely with duct tape, and pushed her, still alive, from the trestle. She drowned in the water below. Id., at 4. One can scarcely imagine the terror that this woman must have suffered throughout the ordeal leading to her death. Whatever can be said about the comparative moral culpability of 17-year-olds as a general matter, Simmons' actions unquestionably reflect " 'a consciousness materially more "depraved" than that of' ... the average murderer." See Atkins, 536 U. S., at 319 (quoting Godfrey v. Georgia, 446 U. S. 420, 433 (1980)). And Simmons' prediction that he could murder with impunity because he had not yet turned 18--though inaccurate--suggests that he did take into account the perceived risk of punishment in deciding whether to commit the crime. Based on this evidence, the sentencing jury certainly had reasonable grounds for concluding that, despite Simmons' youth, he "ha[d] sufficient psychological maturity" when he committed this horrific murder, and "at the same time demonstrate[d] sufficient depravity, to merit a sentence of death." See ante, at 18.
The Court's proportionality argument suffers from a second and closely related defect: It fails to establish that the differences in maturity between 17-year-olds and young "adults" are both universal enough and significant enough to justify a bright-line prophylactic rule against capital punishment of the former. The Court's analysis is premised on differences in the aggregate between juveniles and adults, which frequently do not hold true when comparing individuals. Although it may be that many 17-year-old murderers lack sufficient maturity to deserve the death penalty, some juvenile murderers may be quite mature. Chronological age is not an unfailing measure of psychological development, and common experience suggests that many 17-year-olds are more mature than the average young "adult." In short, the class of offenders exempted from capital punishment by today's decision is too broad and too diverse to warrant a categorical prohibition. Indeed, the age-based line drawn by the Court is indefensibly arbitrary--it quite likely will protect a number of offenders who are mature enough to deserve the death penalty and may well leave vulnerable many who are not.
For purposes of proportionality analysis, 17-year-olds as a class are qualitatively and materially different from the mentally retarded. "Mentally retarded" offenders, as we understood that category in Atkins, are defined by precisely the characteristics which render death an excessive punishment. A mentally retarded person is, "by definition," one whose cognitive and behavioral capacities have been proven to fall below a certain minimum. See Atkins, 536 U. S., at 318; see also id., at 308, n. 3 (discussing characteristics of mental retardation); id., at 317, and n. 22 (leaving to the States the development of mechanisms to determine which offenders fall within the class exempt from capital punishment). Accordingly, for purposes of our decision in Atkins, the mentally retarded are not merely less blameworthy for their misconduct or less likely to be deterred by the death penalty than others. Rather, a mentally retarded offende