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Thatcher and a Very African Coup

Mercenaries' dreams of riches fell apart at Harare airport.
Then links to British Establishment figures emerged 

JAMIE WILSON, DAVID PALLISTER & PAUL LASHMAR / The Guardian (UK) 26aug04

 

graphic by göttlich - Sir Mark Thatcher and a Very African Coup: Mercenaries' dreams of riches fell apart at Harare airport. Then links to British Establishment figures emerged JAMIE WILSON, DAVID PALLISTER & PAUL LASHMAR / The Guardian (UK) 26aug04

Languishing in solitary confinement in Zimbabwe's maximum security Chikurubi prison in March, Simon Mann was getting desperate. The Old Etonian and former SAS officer had been arrested at Harare airport two weeks earlier along with a plane load of mercenaries after landing to pick up a consignment of AK-47 rifles, mortar bombs and 75,000 rounds of ammunition. The men on board the Boeing 727-100 had allegedly been on their way to mount a coup in Equatorial Guinea, a small, malarial country in west Africa ruled by a tyrant but newly and filthily rich in offshore oil.

Instead of a coup amid untold riches, Mann found himself staring down the barrel of a long prison sentence - or even execution if an extradition request from Equatorial Guinea was successful. So he penned a letter on scraps of paper to his wife and lawyers, demanding that they get people on the outside to exert both their money and influence to get him released.

But by writing the letter - a copy of which has been seen by the Guardian - he linked what had at first seemed to be little more than a doomed Boy's Own adventure in a forgotten corner of west Africa to a coterie of rightwing businessmen with links to the highest echelons of the British establishment.

Scrawled over two plain pages and a scrap of magazine, Mann's letter referred to a contact called "Scratcher" - Mann's nickname for Sir Mark Thatcher, son of the former Tory prime minister and perennially controversial businessman.

When the note was intercepted by the South African intelligence services on its way out of the prison, a train of events was set in motion that led yesterday to the raid on Sir Mark's Cape Town home.

"Our situation is not good and it is very URGENT," Mann wrote. "They [the lawyers] get no reply from Smelly and Scratcher [who] asked them to ring back after the Grand Prix race was over! This is not going well."

But Mann then went on to suggest that Scratcher's involvement amounted to more than using his contacts to lobby for their release.

"It may be that getting us out comes down to a large splodge of wonga! Of course investors did not think this would happen. Did I?" he wrote. "Do they think they can be part of something like this with only upside potential - no hardship or risk of this going wrong. Anyone and everyone in this is in it - good times or bad. Now its bad times and everyone has to F-ing well pull their full weight."

He left what would appear to be the most incriminating detail to last: "Anyway [another contact] was expecting project funds inwards to Logo [Mann's firm] from Scratcher (200) ... If there is not enough, then present investors must come up with more."

While the letter certainly suggests Mann was expecting Sir Mark to make a $200,000 (£111,000) investment, he does not specify whether it was for the coup.

The letter also refers to David Hart, the former Old Etonian millionaire adviser to Lady Thatcher during the miners' strike. "We need heavy influence of the sort that ... Smelly, Scratcher ... David Hart and it needs to be used heavily and now," Mann wrote.

Even the disgraced Tory peer, Lord Archer, has been dragged into the controversy after $134,000 (£74,000) was deposited into Mann's bank account in the name of JH Archer four days before the coup attempt. Lord Archer categorically denied any involvement in the coup.

Ever since the coup plot was alleged at Harare airport on March 7, there have been murmurings about Sir Mark's involvement. He and Mann were close friends who regularly had dinner together, and both owned substantial properties in Constantia, the secluded suburb of Cape Town popular with rich expat Britons.

Mann is a complex character, part buccaneering thrill seeker, part businessman, who left the SAS to make a living fighting wars in Africa. It is easy to see how Sir Mark - whose demeanour would suggest he would like to be viewed as something of an adventurer himself - might be attracted to the former SAS officer.

"Nobody is denying they are close friends - and they have been friends for a long time," Sir Tim Bell, Lady Thatcher's former PR adviser and now informally advising her son, said yesterday. "I have not spoken to him at all at any point since this started about six months ago. He has studiously avoided discussing the issue."

Greg Wales, another man with alleged links to the coup plot and a long-standing friend and former business partner of Mann's, told the Guardian yesterday: "Simon and Mark did a number of business deals together - in mining, and aircraft and fuel brokerage. The police would have found a lot of stuff on these matters."

But it remains unclear what - if any - evidence the South Africans have to tie Sir Mark directly to the coup, beyond Mann's letter. There have been rumours that he may have made an investment in Mann's Logo Ltd company through a South African company called Triple A Aviation, which in January signed a contract with Mann's Logo company to provide aircraft and aviation services.

According to his lawyer yesterday, Sir Mark was arrested on suspicion of providing financing for a helicopter linked to the coup plot.

Banking records show the company, which trades as Air Ambulance Africa from the town of Bethlehem in the Free State, paid $100,000 (£55,000) into Logo's account on March 2, less than a week before the coup attempt was launched. The head of Air Ambulance, Crause Steyl, did not return calls yesterday. His brother Niel, a former pilot for the infamous South African mercenary outfit Executive Outcomes in the 1990s in which Mann was also involved, was the pilot of the ill-fated Boeing that landed at Harare.

According to well-placed South African sources, Triple A provided a twin-engined King Air turboprop which flew the exiled Equatorian Guinea opposition leader, Severo Moto, from Spain to Bamako in Mali on the eve of the alleged coup attempt, in preparation for his triumphant return to power.

Friends of Sir Mark in South Africa, however, claim that he had entered into a completely separate contract with Triple A to provide an air ambulance helicopter for work in Equatorial Guinea. "I don't think he knew what he was getting into," one told the Guardian.

The genesis of the alleged coup plot, according to Mann's own witness statement, began in January 2003 when he was introduced to Eli Calil, a Chelsea-based businessman, in London - a friend and financier of Mr Moto, leader of the Party for Progress of Equatorial Guinea and president of the Guinean government in exile in Madrid.

Mr Calil has denied any knowledge or involvement in the coup and his lawyers have suggested that the written and verbal confessions of Mann and his alleged co-conspirator South African arms dealer Nick du Toit, currently in trial in Malabo, were extracted through torture.

But Mann wrote in his signed statement after his arrest. "Ely Calil asked me if I would like to meet Severo Moto... I met Severo Moto in Madrid. He is clearly a good and honest man. He had studied for the priesthood ... At this stage they asked me if I could help escort Severo Moto home at a given moment while simultaneously there would an uprising of both military and civilians against Obiang ... I agreed to try and help the cause."

Preparations for the coup - money, men, logistics and a suitable plane - were soon set in motion by Mann through two companies based in Guernsey, Logo Ltd and Systems Design Limited. Mann himself sold some of his shares and put in $400,000 to cover the cost of a specially converted Boeing 727 which was bought a week before the coup attempt from a firm in Kansas. Guardian inquiries have established that the aircraft had been converted for US military use so that it could take off and land on shorter runways. It also had a pressurised cargo hold which could be accessed during flight.

The final stages were completed in February. Using his military and arms dealing contacts, Mr du Toit helped to recruit the mercenaries - apartheid-era soldiers in South Africa - and to introduce Mann to the head of the Zimbabwean Defence Industry in Harare for the weapons.

The broad plan, according to Mr du Toit's account, was for the plane to pick up the 64 mercenaries at Wonderboom airport near Pretoria and then fly on to Pietersburg international airport to clear customs for Harare. In Harare the plane would refuel and pick up the arms - 150 hand grenades, 80 60mm mortar bombs, 100 RPG-7 anti-tank projectiles with 10 launchers, 20 light machine guns, 61 AK-47 assault rifles and 75,000 rounds of ammunition.

From there the plane should have flown straight to Malabo and landed at 2.30am on Monday March 8, with Mann in Harare keeping in touch with Mr du Toit in Malabo on his satellite phone. Once the mercenaries had landed one team was designated to secure the airport. The rest were to be driven into town with guides and vehicles provided by Mr du Toit.

While separate teams set up road blocks to prevent the military leaving their bases and moving into town, another group would capture minister Antonio Javier - Mr du Toit's business partner - who would guide them to the sleeping president. The president and brother Armagol would then be taken to the airport and, "if not killed in this operation", would be flown to Spain.

Meanwhile Mr Moto would have landed at Malabo airport, 30 minutes after the mercenaries. He would "call some supporters he claimed to have within the military and ask them to take control of the security situation". By sunrise the people of Equatorial Guinea would hear on the radio and see on television their new leader.

But the plot, if that is what it was, could not have gone more spectacularly wrong - reinforcing rumours of an intended coup circulating in special forces circles in Pretoria and even openly discussed at an academic meeting about oil, with US and Foreign Office officials present, in London.

source: http://www.kniff.de/cgi-bin/cgiproxy/nph-proxy.cgi/010110A/http/politics.guardian.co.uk/news/story/0,9174,1291122,00.html 26aug04

 

Sir Mark Thatcher Protests Coup Innocence
in Equatorial Guinea

BBC News 25aug04

[More below]

 

Mark Thatcher has denied any involvement in an alleged coup in Equatorial Guinea after being released on bail by a South African court.

He is accused of violating laws banning South African residents from taking part in foreign military action.

A prosecution spokesman earlier said he was suspected of providing funding and assistance for the alleged coup.

Sir Mark, the 51-year-old son of former UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, said he was innocent of all charges.

In a statement released by his spokesman, Lord Bell, the 51-year-old said: "I am innocent of all charges made against me. I have been and am cooperating fully with the authorities in order to resolve the matter.

"I have no involvement in an alleged coup in Equatorial Guinea and I reject all suggestions to the contrary."

Sir Mark appeared before magistrates in Cape Town after being arrested at his home in the wealthy suburb of Constantia.

He was ordered to pay a bail bond of two million Rand (£165,000) and hand over his passport.

Until he pays the bond, he remains under house arrest.

He was charged with contravening two sections of South Africa's Foreign Military Assistance Act.

Sir Mark, who inherited his late father's hereditary baronetcy in 2003, appeared in court in a dark suit and said nothing during the short hearing.

He has been bailed to return to the court on 25 November and has been ordered not to leave the district and to hand over his passport and travel documents to the South African authorities.

Speaking outside the court, Sir Mark's lawyer, Peter Hodes, said he had been held on suspicion of providing financing for a helicopter linked to the coup plot and intended to plead not guilty.

A spokeswoman for Baroness Thatcher said the former prime minister was on holiday in the United States and had not yet been contacted.

Sir Mark's twin sister, Carol Thatcher, told BBC News 24 she was shocked by the allegations against her brother but that she had "lived through scandals before".

Speaking at Heathrow Airport, as she returned to London from Switzerland, she said she had not spoken to Sir Mark and did not know the details of the charges against him.

She said: "My real concern is for my mother because she's in America and I haven't spoken to her and I don't know her reaction and I care about her."

She said she planned to contact Baroness Thatcher before trying to get hold of her brother.

An alleged plot to overthrow the president of Equatorial Guinea has sparked dozens of arrests across Africa.

South African arms dealer Nick du Toit is accused of helping to organise the coup.

He went on trial with 13 other foreign nationals on Monday in the country's capital, Malabo.

The eight South Africans and six Armenians have been detained since March this year.

A 15th defendant died in prison. Both Amnesty International and Mr du Toit's wife allege the accused were tortured.

Seventy other accused mercenaries are on trial separately in Zimbabwe, where they were arrested on 6 March as they allegedly prepared to board a leased aircraft to launch the coup.

The alleged plot leader, former British SAS captain Simon Mann, an old Etonian turned leading African mercenary, has admitted trying to procure dangerous weapons - a charge which carries a possible 10-year jail sentence.

source: http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/1/hi/world/africa/3599510.stm 26aug04


Profile: Mark Thatcher

BBC News 25aug04

 

Mark Thatcher is probably best remembered for getting lost in the Saharan desert for a week while his mother Margaret was running the country. In 1982, aged 28, the motoring enthusiast took part in the Paris-Dakar Rally with very little preparation - as he admits himself.

The result was a full-blown and embarrassing international rescue mission.

It was one of the few times he managed to knock his mother off the front pages of Britain's newspapers.

"The biggest story of 1982 was the Falklands war. The second biggest also involved my mother and me," he once wrote.

Born in 1953, Sir Mark inherited his late father's hereditary baronetcy in 2003.

He left Harrow public school in 1971 with just three O-levels, did not go to university and failed his accountancy exams three times.

He went through a series of short-term jobs which each lasted about a year.

Questions

He dabbled in the Hong Kong business world and built up a network of business associates from the motor racing world plus the Middle and Far East.

In 1977 he set up Mark Thatcher Racing, a car racing company which developed cash problems. But it is his controversial business dealings abroad that have proved potentially more explosive for the Thatcher family.

In the early 1980s, he also set up Monteagle Marketing, an international consultancy firm.

In 1986 the prime minister faced questions over her son's relationship with the Sultan of Brunei.

Texan heiress

She also faced parliamentary questions over his involvement in a contract to build a university in Oman which was revealed by the Observer newspaper in 1984.

He was representing a British company Cementation, a subsidiary of Trafalgar House, which won the contract after Mrs Thatcher urged the Omanis to give the work to Britain during an official visit.

Baroness Thatcher always denied a conflict of interests and said she had simply been "batting for Britain".

Sir Mark severed his links with Cementation and left his Downing Street flat.

Questions were also asked in Parliament over claims he received millions of pounds in commission from a 1985 arms sale to Saudi Arabia. Sir Mark denied receiving any money.

The 1980s also saw him move to the US to follow up his interests in the motoring industry, including representing David Wickins of the Lotus car company and British Car Auctions for an annual salary of £45,000.

It was here that he met and married Texan heiress Diane Bergdof in 1987.

They have a son and a daughter.

Huge fortune

In 1998 Sir Mark's affairs came under the microscope once again, when the authorities in his new home, South Africa began an investigation into a loans scheme.

It was alleged that a company owned by Sir Mark offered unofficial small loans to hundreds of police officers, military personnel and civil servants.

When they defaulted on the loans they were pursued by debt collectors and charged 20% interest rates, according to the Star of Johannesburg.

The probe centred around whether the scheme was in accordance with lending laws.

The newspaper quoted Sir Mark as saying he only wanted to help officers in need of cash. No wrong-doing was ever proved.

More recently, in 2003, Sir Mark hit the headlines once again when it was reported that he wanted his mother to come and live with him in South Africa.

Saudi deal

The Sunday Times newspaper said he had amassed a personal fortune of £60m, quoting "City sources", who also say he keeps the bulk of his wealth in offshore accounts."

His later success has been attributed to shrewd investments and a series of "astute deals in Africa".

source: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/3597196.stm 26aug04


Q&A: Equatorial Guinea coup plot

BBC News 25aug04

 

Two trials have been taking place in Africa of suspected foreign mercenaries accused of plotting a coup against the president of the oil rich country of Equatorial Guinea, Teodoro Obiang Nguema.

BBC News Online looks at what is known about the coup bid.

How was the plot discovered?

In March, Zimbabwean police in Harare impounded a plane which flew in from South Africa with 64 alleged mercenaries on board.

The group said they were providing security for a mine in Democratic Republic of Congo, but a couple of days later an Equatorial Guinean minister said they had detained 15 more men who were the advance party for the group captured in Zimbabwe.

Nick du Toit, the leader of the group of South Africans and Armenians in Equatorial Guinea, confirmed at his trial in Equatorial Guinea this week that he was playing a limited role in a coup bid.

He told the court he was recruited by Simon Mann, the alleged leader of the group held in Zimbabwe, and that he was helping with recruitment, acquiring weapons and logistics for the attempt. He says he was told they were trying to install an exiled opposition politician, Severo Moto, as head.

Mr Mann is only being charged with breaking arms regulations in Zimbabwe.

Why organise a coup?

The former Spanish colony has been ruled by President Obiang since he seized power himself from his uncle in a coup in 1979. His government has been accused of widespread human rights abuses and of ruthlessly suppressing political opposition.

Yet the discovery of oil several years ago has meant huge wealth and massive investment flowing into this poor country of just 500,000 people.

Not much of this has trickled down to ordinary people. The United States Senate is currently investigating the discovery of hundreds of millions of dollars in US bank accounts belonging to the family of President Obiang.

And it is these massive oil revenues which could lend some credence to President Obiang's accusation that multinationals and foreign powers were involved in the plot.

Both trials have begun amid complaints of abuse and unfair treatment from relatives of those being held.

One of the suspects, a German, died in prison in Equatorial Guinea after what Amnesty International said was suspected torture.

So who is behind the plot?

So far it remains unclear who was backing the mercenaries on trial, although the list of suspects is growing.

Simon Mann, the old Etonian and founder of the mercenary firm Executive Outcomes, has not been talking, although President Obiang has.

He has accused the Spanish government and the son of the former UK prime minister, Mark Thatcher, amongst others, of being behind the plot.

The South African authorities have arrested Mark Thatcher and charged him with contravening two sections of South Africa's Foreign Military Assistance Act which bans residents from taking part in any foreign military activity.

Speaking outside the court, Sir Mark's lawyer, Peter Hodes, said he had been held on suspicion of providing financing for a helicopter linked to the coup plot and intended to plead not guilty.

What is known is that Mark Thatcher has admitted to being a good friend of Simon Mann.

Others, President Obiang alleges are involved, are a former British cabinet minister, whom he refuses to name, an oil tycoon, Eli Calil, and the exiled politician Severo Moto, who lives in Spain - both of whom have strongly denied involvement.

The BBC's Newsnight television programme saw the financial records of Simon Mann's companies showing large payments to Nick du Toit and also some $2m coming in - though the source of this funding they say is largely untraceable.

What is South Africa's role?

Mercenary activities were banned in South Africa several years ago after complaints about security organisations like Executive Outcomes.

The majority of the alleged mercenaries on trial in Zimbabwe and Equatorial Guinea are based in South Africa, with many being former members of the apartheid-era security forces.

South Africa will be determined to be seen to be acting tough against any attempt to destabilise another country.

However, it also will want to protect its nationals, and has vowed to intervene if any of the alleged mercenaries are sentenced to death.

Judgements in the two cases are expected be given within the next week.

source: http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/1/hi/world/africa/3597450.stm 26aug04

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